The Contradictions of Dogra Rule: Speeches and Letters of Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Note on This English Edition

This eBook collates the complete English translation prepared from Dr Ghulam Hussain Azhar’s biographical compilation on Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan. The edition preserves the source’s speeches, letters, recollections, political arguments, repetitions and historical terminology. Where different contributors give conflicting dates or recollections, those differences are retained rather than silently harmonised. Historical political and sectarian claims are presented as the words or recollections of the original speakers and writers, not as independent editorial findings.

Editorial Structure

The book is arranged around Raja Akbar Khan’s life, his political speeches and writings, his journalism and public service, and the memories of contemporaries. The cover draws on recurring themes in the book: Mirpur and its landscape, public mobilisation, imprisonment and resistance, the newspaper Sach, simplicity, social service and the struggle for political rights.

Translator’s Introduction

Recovering a Political Life from the History of Jammu and Kashmir

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan belongs to a generation of political activists whose lives are essential to understanding the transformation of politics in the princely State of Jammu and Kashmir before 1947. Yet, outside specialist circles, his name is now far less familiar than those of some of his contemporaries. This English edition is an attempt to help recover that political life and to make the surviving record available to readers who cannot easily read the original Urdu material.

The value of this book lies partly in the kind of history it preserves. It does not present politics only through constitutions, rulers, diplomatic disputes or the decisions of governments. It brings us closer to politics as it was experienced in villages, bazaars, courts, police stations, prisons and public meetings. We encounter cultivators struggling with land revenue and debt, people subjected to begar - compulsory unpaid labour - and ordinary citizens facing petty official power, bribery and discrimination. We also encounter activists trying to turn these everyday grievances into organised political consciousness.

Raja Akbar Khan emerged from this world. The accounts collected by Dr Ghulam Hussain Azhar portray a man whose politics was inseparable from his way of life. Again and again his contemporaries remember his simplicity, his indifference to personal comfort, his readiness to walk long distances for political work, his willingness to go to prison, and his instinctive sympathy with poor and marginalised people. These recollections are not identical and should not be treated as if they were. They are memories produced by different individuals at different times. But taken together, they reveal the kind of political reputation Raja Akbar acquired among those who knew him.

A particularly important feature of the book is the connection it reveals between social questions and the wider freedom movement. In later accounts of Jammu and Kashmir, the history before 1947 is often read backwards through the territorial conflict that followed Partition. The material in this volume reminds us that the political field was already alive with struggles over responsible government, taxation, official corruption, communal discrimination, peasant conditions, civil liberties, representation and the dignity of the ordinary subject. The demand for political freedom developed within this wider social landscape.

Raja Akbar Khan’s association with Sardar Budh Singh is especially significant in this respect. Budh Singh’s criticism of begar, excessive revenue demands and administrative injustice, and his writings on rural life and the sufferings of poor people, show that resistance to autocratic rule was not confined to a single religious community. The relationship between Budh Singh and Raja Akbar also points towards a political tradition in which social justice and opposition to autocracy could create solidarities across communal boundaries. That dimension deserves greater attention in the history of the State.

The book also allows us to see the importance of Mirpur within these developments. Mirpur is often discussed in later history through the Mangla Dam, migration to Britain and the politics of the post-1947 divided region. Here we meet an earlier Mirpur: a district connected by footpaths, ferries and difficult journeys; a place of cultivators, small towns, political meetings, newspapers and networks of activists. Raja Akbar’s political work linked this local world to Jammu, Srinagar, Poonch and other parts of the State. His life therefore challenges any history that treats Mirpur as peripheral to the political awakening of Jammu and Kashmir.

Journalism formed another part of that political practice. Raja Akbar’s work with Himmat and later Sach demonstrates the importance of the printed word in challenging authority and connecting local grievances to wider political arguments. The recollections in this volume describe the office of Sach not simply as a newspaper office but as a place to which people brought complaints and sought help. In this sense journalism, political organisation and public service overlapped. The newspaper was not detached commentary on politics; it was part of political action.

The speeches and letters reproduced here deepen that picture. They show a political language that could be uncompromising in its criticism of autocratic power while also drawing heavily on religious, moral and popular idioms familiar to its audience. Raja Akbar spoke to people in forms they understood. Several memoirists recall that he preferred plain language, and at times Pahari speech, when addressing ordinary people. His politics was therefore not only about what was said but also about making political ideas intelligible beyond educated elites. Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi’s popular verse, included in this edition, is an excellent example of the same process. In ‘Open Your Eyes, O Peasant’, the refrain addresses the cultivator directly and turns the experiences of revenue collection, confiscation, police coercion, bribery and begar into a call for awareness. The poem’s importance is not simply literary. It shows how political consciousness could be communicated through the language, humour, anger and rhythm of everyday rural life.

The recollections also repeatedly return to Raja Akbar’s personal austerity. Stories of giving away a coat or shoes, eating the simplest food, refusing financial favours, helping petitioners and accepting imprisonment became part of the memory surrounding him. A historian must distinguish memory from independently verified fact, but it would also be a mistake to dismiss such stories merely because they are commemorative. They tell us what qualities contemporaries believed political leadership ought to possess: courage, personal honesty, service, sacrifice and closeness to ordinary people.

That question gives this historical material a wider relevance. Politics in South Asia, as elsewhere, is often remembered through office-holders, parties and state institutions. Raja Akbar’s contemporaries remembered something different: a politics in which moral authority was expected to be earned through conduct. Dr Azhar’s own purpose in assembling these materials was explicitly connected to this concern. He wanted younger generations to encounter examples of public life that placed service above personal advancement.

For British Kashmiris and other English-speaking readers, this history has another importance. Large communities with family roots in Mirpur and neighbouring districts now live in Britain and elsewhere in the diaspora, but much of the political and social history of the region remains locked in Urdu, Pahari, Punjabi and scattered local publications. Migration did not erase that history; it often carried fragments of it abroad through family memory. Translation can help reconnect those fragments with a broader documentary record.

This translation therefore aims to be accessible without flattening the political language of the original. I have generally used plain British English and retained historically important terms where an English substitute would remove part of their meaning. Begar is explained as compulsory unpaid labour; patwari and girdawar are retained where the specific land-revenue hierarchy matters. Religious expressions, political slogans, quotations and repetitions have been preserved where they form part of the character of the source.

The reader will also encounter differences between accounts. Dates, prison sentences, details of particular incidents and even aspects of Raja Akbar’s biography are not always consistent. I have not silently corrected or harmonised these differences. This is deliberate. A documentary and memoir-based collection should allow the reader to see where the sources agree and where they diverge. Such discrepancies are invitations to further archival research, not problems to be concealed by the translator.

Nor should every statement in the memoirs be read as an independently established historical fact. Contributors wrote from their own political positions, memories and experiences. Their words are valuable precisely because they preserve those voices. Where necessary, the English edition keeps claims attributed to the writer or speaker rather than converting them into the voice of the translator.

Dr Jameel Ahmad Mir’s later biographical essay, included as supplementary material, demonstrates why the recovery of Raja Akbar Khan remains an unfinished historical task. Mir describes a generation educated under curricula in which important figures from the political history of Jammu and Kashmir received little attention. Whatever conclusions readers draw from that argument, the broader problem is clear: historical memory is shaped not only by what is preserved but also by what ceases to be taught, printed, translated or discussed.

This English edition is offered as a contribution to reversing that loss. It does not ask the reader to accept every recollection uncritically or to turn Raja Akbar Khan into a figure beyond historical examination. Its purpose is more fundamental: to make the evidence available, to restore a neglected political voice to discussion, and to encourage a fuller history of Mirpur and the wider State of Jammu and Kashmir in which ordinary people, social struggles and regional activists are not pushed to the margins.

Raja Akbar Khan died in 1946, before the upheavals of 1947 transformed Jammu and Kashmir and the political map of South Asia. That timing is itself important. His political life belongs to the undivided princely State and should first be understood in that setting. The world represented in these pages was one in which the future territorial division had not yet become the framework through which every political question was interpreted. Reading him in his own historical moment allows us to recover possibilities, alliances and arguments that later histories can obscure.

I hope this translation enables younger Kashmiris, members of the diaspora, researchers and general readers to encounter Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan through the surviving words of his own time and through the memories of those who worked beside him. If it also encourages readers to search for further manuscripts, newspapers, letters, oral histories and forgotten local publications, it will have served an additional purpose. The history contained in such materials belongs not only to scholars and institutions, but to the communities whose lives produced it.

Shams Rehman

Translator and Editor

• Translator’s Introduction
• Author’s Preliminary Remarks
• Part I — Speeches
• 1933 Welcome Address to the Annual Session of the Muslim Conference
• 1935 Presidential Address to the Tabligh Conference
• Political Speeches and Public Addresses
• Letters and Prison Correspondence
• Journalism: Himmat and Sach
• Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’s Life and Political Work
• Sardar Budh Singh and the Early Freedom Movement
• Memories of Contemporaries
• Popular Poetry and Historical Material
• Dr Jameel Ahmad Mir’s Biographical Essay
• Notes and References

Dedication

Dedicated to Chaudhry Muhammad Aslam Akhtar

Author’S Preliminary Remarks

The study of the lives of great personalities has always played an important part in shaping human character, particularly the lives of those who became living examples of the highest human values.

There is no denying the power of ideas. But ordinary people are often influenced more by action than by ideas alone. Until an idea takes a visible and practical human form, its influence remains limited. This is why great personalities have always played an important role in turning intellectual and political movements into movements of the people.

The late Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was one of those personalities. Through his humanity, compassion and deep concern for others, he changed the lives of countless people. After the construction of the Mangla Dam, when his coffin was removed from his ancestral village, a huge crowd walked behind it. Even though two decades had passed since his death, the memory of his simplicity, selflessness and almost dervish-like way of life remained deeply engraved in the minds and hearts of thousands of people.

Such respect and affection cannot be bought with millions of rupees or acquired through magnificent palaces.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan possessed something far more valuable.

Today he lies buried in the graveyard beside the Police Lines in Mirpur. In memory of this simple and selfless man, the road running along the lake has been named Akbar Road.

Today, politics has increasingly become a business, while our social life is gradually losing the living examples of human greatness. It is therefore particularly important for the new generation to study the lives of self-sacrificing people such as Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan.

It was with the aim of strengthening the younger generation’s faith in higher human values that, over a period of approximately fifteen or sixteen years, I collected the material contained in this book.

I gathered recollections about Raja Sahib from his contemporaries—from well-known personalities as well as from people who remained obscure and away from public attention. My effort was to discover, from each person, some aspect of Raja Sahib’s life that might still serve as a guiding light for us today.

I have also included three of Raja Sahib’s own speeches, one lengthy letter, and extracts from several letters written from prison.

These speeches and letters are important historical documents. They cover the political struggle between 1931 and 1946, and I believe that future historians will also be able to make use of them.

The prison letters and speeches were generously provided to me by Master Ata Muhammad Sahib. He carefully preserved Raja Sahib’s prison letters and other writings dating from 1939. I am also deeply grateful to Khawaja Abdul Samad Wani Sahib. His library is an important treasure-house of material on Kashmir, and anyone carrying out serious work on Kashmir can hardly afford to ignore it.

The popular poems included at the end of this book were written by Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi. The late Maulana was not only a distinguished religious scholar and a popular public speaker; he was also a poet of the people.

I am grateful to Muhammad Sharif Sahib of Ratta, Andarhal, who helped me obtain these poems.

Master Taj Sahib also gave considerable assistance in preparing and cleaning up the manuscript, and I am extremely grateful to him.

May God make this book a guiding light for the new generation. Ghulam Hussain Azhar

Government College, Bhimber

Azad Kashmir

9 May 1984

Part I — Speeches

Welcome Address To The Annual Session Of The Muslim Conference, 1933

The second annual session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, a political organisation that played a major and history-making role in the politics of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, was held in Mirpur on 15, 16 and 17 December 1933, under the presidency of Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah. Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan, a well-known political leader of Mirpur district, was President of the Reception Committee for the annual session, while Maulvi Fazal Din, Advocate, served as Secretary of the Reception Committee.

On the first day of the conference, 15 December 1933, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan delivered the following welcome address.

The historic address was subsequently published as a pamphlet by the Secretary of the Reception Committee, Maulvi Fazal Din, Advocate, through Karimi Press, Lahore.

WELCOME ADDRESS

By Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

President of the Reception Committee

Gentlemen,

Before placing my scattered thoughts before you, I wish first to discharge an important responsibility which falls upon me on behalf of the Muslims of Mirpur.

I offer my heartfelt welcome to all of you who have travelled from distant places, overcoming difficult and exhausting journeys, to participate in this representative conference.

I pray to Almighty God that this conference, and the great objectives for which it has been convened, may achieve complete success.

May this prayer of mine be accepted by the whole world. Brothers of the community!

The purpose for which you have travelled through such difficult conditions to gather here today is hidden from no one. I therefore do not consider it appropriate to waste your valuable time by entering into unnecessarily complicated details.

The All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, for whose second annual session you have gathered here, was founded in October 1932 at Srinagar.

Its first session, also held at Srinagar, presented a historic scene whose memory will not easily disappear.

Those among you who were present at that great public gathering will still remember those extraordinary scenes. People belonging to different classes, groups and shades of opinion were present.

The most important achievement of that magnificent and historic session was the preparation of a constitution intended to organise and bring together the Muslim people of the State of Kashmir.

Division And Disunity

The most painful development during the year following that conference was that the situation became extremely difficult and distressing for the Muslims of the State.

Because of certain differences that are difficult to explain, some of our colleagues separated themselves from us. Others, under influences that were far from helpful, adopted an attitude towards certain political elements that was difficult to understand.

Instead of gathering together on a single, united platform and strengthening the interests of this oppressed community, division and misunderstanding developed amongst us.

I would have been extremely happy if those friends of mine who have not come here today because of these misunderstandings had also been present.

Nevertheless, my conscience still tells me that, if not today, then tomorrow they will certainly stand shoulder to shoulder with us. For the sake of Islam and for the sake of this oppressed people, they will once again join us with passion and determination in the field of practical struggle.

Personally, I have not lost hope.

I have no hesitation in admitting that our regrettable divisions provided the Government with an excuse to imprison, without justification, our respected President and distinguished son of Kashmir, Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah.

His imprisonment exposed the Muslims of Kashmir to many difficulties and hardships.

But despite their internal divisions, the Muslim people faced those hardships and confronted the Government with such courage and determination that, in the end, the Government—which had apparently convinced itself that no spirit of resistance remained amongst the Muslims—was forced to bow its head.

It was compelled not only to release Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah but also, in effect, to acknowledge its mistake.

The Ordinances And The Severity Of Other Laws

Brothers of the community!

For a long time this unfortunate land had been governed through an unconstitutional system. But during the previous two years, the restrictions imposed in the name of law and constitutional government had become particularly disturbing. In the twentieth century—an age which presents itself as an age of enlightenment, civilisation and democracy—such practices were a deeply discrediting mark upon the system of government in the State of Kashmir.

During this period an ordinance was imposed in Kashmir under which not merely one person, but hundreds of innocent people, were tied to whipping frames and flogged.

Then, throughout the State of Jammu and Kashmir, the Ordinance of 19 April, which amounted almost to a form of semi-martial law, was introduced.

A policy of extreme severity was pursued under this ordinance. It produced widespread anxiety and unrest throughout the country.

It was through the chains of this same oppressive law that respected leaders such as Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas, BA, LLB, Advocate, Mr Abdul Majid Qureshi, and several other distinguished people were confined in the narrow and dark cells of prison.

But the most extraordinary thing is that, despite the restoration of peace in the country, the sword of the 19 April Ordinance continues to hang over the people.

In addition, Section 108-A has effectively been retained as a permanent law, even though there is presently no unconstitutional movement taking place in the country.

At the same time, the Government itself tells the world that complete peace prevails in Kashmir and that the people are living in contentment.

The world must therefore look with astonishment at this contradiction

If peace and stability really exist in the country, why are harsh and uncivilised laws such as the 19 April Ordinance and Section 108-A still necessary?

The Mirpur ordinances may now belong to the past, and I do not consider it necessary to discuss them at length here. But despite myself, my tongue and my pen cannot remain silent about the injustices inflicted upon poor and simple people under their cover.

With my own eyes, I saw a man who was deaf and unable to speak, and who knew nothing about political activity, being forced to endure the suffering of imprisonment under emergency legislation.

I also saw elderly people and under-age boys caught in the machinery of these ordinances and thrown into prison. Anyone whom God has given both sight and understanding cannot witness such scenes without weeping tears of blood over the operation of law in the State of Kashmir.

What kind of law is this whose reach catches, without distinction, the deaf, the mute, the elderly, the under-age and the innocent?

Emergency legislation is normally introduced to deal with an emergency political situation. Here, however, some emergency laws have been given the character of permanent law, and innocent people have repeatedly become their victims. Otherwise, how could a weak old man, or a deaf and mute person, participate in a political emergency in such a way as to constitute a crime?

POLITICAL CASES

Respected Muslim brothers!

During the previous freedom movement, large numbers of Muslims in Mirpur District were implicated in different kinds of cases and imprisoned for long periods. As a result, my colleagues and I turned our attention towards these oppressed people who had been arrested without cause.

Such immense cruelties were inflicted upon them that perhaps nothing like them had ever been witnessed beneath this blue sky.

If Mr Ilahi Bakhsh was sent to prison for a period of time, then on the other side Sain Lali, together with other Muslims from Rajouri, Kotli and Bhimber, remained in chains.

If we look towards Mirpur, we find not one but hundreds of oppressed people arrested on alleged charges of looting. Particularly well known were the cases of Sukh Chain Pura and Ali Beg, in which around 300 people were accused. For two years they continued to be ground through the oppressive machinery of different courts, and many remained in detention for more than a year.

Eventually, the judgement delivered against them was so disturbing that it created intense agitation among the Muslim population throughout the district.

You can imagine the condition of their wives, who, while their husbands were still alive, were forced to live the lives of widows.

And the children who were at an age when they needed care and upbringing now stand before us in the condition of orphans.

On one side, the terrible sight of their poverty and the destruction of their property causes us great distress; on the other, the ruined condition of their livestock is equally painful. In the presence of these circumstances and realities, I am deeply surprised as to when the Muslims of this district will ever be able to breathe in peace and comfort.

Confiscation Of Jagirs

Respected brothers!

In this connection, I must also mention these regrettable events.

At the very time when mountains of suffering were being brought down upon the Muslims of Mirpur, several jagirdars [holders of landed estates] were forced to give evidence in these false cases.

But when their sense of national honour and compassion would not allow them to do so, they were subjected to various other forms of hardship.

It has gone so far that orders for the confiscation of the jagirs of some jagirdars are under consideration.

In this connection, I consider it particularly necessary to mention Raja Bade Khan of Samahni.

If events continue in this direction, there is a danger that we will lose truthful and honourable people.

It is therefore absolutely necessary that you give your full attention to preventing these excesses by the Government. The Government's eloquent promises are indeed astonishing.

The Important Needs Of Mirpur District

Respected audience!

At this time, the following matters in particular require attention in this district

All political prisoners from the previous movement should be released, so that peace may be permanently established.

Land revenue should be reduced to the rate prevailing in the adjoining districts of Punjab.

The Middle School in Kotli Tehsil should be upgraded to a High School, because there is no High School within forty miles. Electricity should be supplied from Mangla Headworks to Mirpur town, so that factories and industries can also be established.

A road should be constructed from Sarai Aurangabad along the bank of the Upper Jhelum Canal. This would not only remove the difficulties passengers experience in crossing the river, but would also help the trade and population of Mirpur to grow. Government High School Mirpur should be upgraded to an Intermediate College.

Land Transfer Act

One of the recommendations made by the Glancy Commission was that the Punjab Land Transfer Act should be introduced in the State as soon as possible.

I regret, however, that the Government has not paid attention to this matter.

Recently, Mr Mehta, the Revenue Member, had a draft Act published in the Government Gazette. It was not merely a completely distorted version of the Punjab Act; it was even worse than the existing Regulation governing the transfer of land.

The cultivators therefore demand that, in view of the Glancy Commission Report and the oppressed condition of the cultivators, the Punjab Land Transfer Act should be introduced as soon as possible.

The Fate Of The Glancy Commission Recommendations

My oppressed brothers!

In return for the immense sacrifices made by the Muslims of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, and for their patiently enduring oppression, severity, suffering and hardship, a deceptive show was staged in the form of the Glancy Commission, following the methods of British diplomacy.

But the true story of Muslim suffering, and the facts themselves, were such that even the embodiment of imperialism had to acknowledge that the complaints and sufferings of the Muslims of the land of Kashmir were entirely genuine.

Influenced by this reality, the Commission made several recommendations.

An attempt was then made to silence the Muslims by placing the royal seal upon them.

Although some of the Commission's recommendations were of little substance, a large section of the Muslims who remained loyal to the Government nevertheless regarded them as something worth accepting. They told the community, in accordance with the saying:

“Take hold of one, and make a claim for the other.”

In other words, whatever had been obtained should, for the moment, be regarded as sufficient.

The simple and trusting community—remarkable for its tolerance and simplicity—then began waiting eagerly for the eloquent promises made by members of the Government to be fulfilled.

But neither our waiting nor our good faith had any effect upon the Government.

The result of our silence, our loyalty and our tolerance is that the recommendations of a commission appointed by the Government itself remain unimplemented, despite having received the Maharaja's approval.

Most astonishing and painful of all is the position of the sacred religious places which, despite the important and necessary recommendations of the Commission, remain under Government control because of the negligence and indifference of those in authority.

For example, two mosques in Kotli town, Mirpur District, have still not been handed back despite petitions, applications and representations.

I have seen with my own eyes heaps of rubbish and filth lying inside them.

You can imagine what effect such a sight must have upon the mind and heart of a Muslim.

It is a well-known reality that a Muslim may endure the destruction of his property, his life and even the ruin of his family and children. But he cannot tolerate such humiliation and degradation of his beloved religion in his own homeland that his mosques should be allowed to fall into ruin and remain before Muslims as monuments of humiliation.

For as long as even a single drop of blood remains in a Muslim's body, he considers tolerating disrespect towards his sacred religion and the symbols of God to be a sign of the greatest weakness of faith.

It is therefore difficult to understand how long the Government believes it can continue delaying even in matters of such seriousness while still keeping Muslims satisfied over the implementation of the Glancy recommendations.

Two years ago, the previous system of government showed Muslims a similar lack of concern and, by doing so, invited us to play with fire.

Our hopes then became fixed upon the capable ministers of the new system of government. We thought that perhaps a ministry headed by a British Prime Minister would provide a remedy satisfactory to us.

Unfortunately, I cannot prevent words of complaint from coming to my lips: that expectation has not been fulfilled. Among the ministers of the new cabinet, the most regrettable issue has been the policy of Mr Mehta, the Revenue Adviser. Through what I regard as his unjustified favouritism towards Hindus, he has completely lost the confidence of the Muslims. But while we are troubled by Mr Mehta's policy, I also have a serious complaint against the Government.

Why should a department such as the Revenue Department, which concerns a population of cultivators that is 90 per cent Muslim, not be placed under a Muslim Revenue Adviser—someone who has genuine sympathy for the poor cultivator and an interest in his welfare—so that Muslims are not given new reasons for complaint every day?

Otherwise, Mr Mehta's present policy is not one about which Muslims can remain silent.

Only yesterday, Sardar Akram Khan, merely as a result of the worthless propaganda of a Hindu newspaper, was demoted—without the allegations being investigated—from the senior position of Minister to that of Revenue Officer.

The effect has been that the same newspaper has now begun a deeply shameful campaign against Chaudhry Faizullah Khan, a minister, motivated by hostile feelings.

This creates the fear that, if this remains the policy of Hindu newspapers and if Mr Mehta continues to act in this manner, Muslim officers in the Revenue Department will not be safe. Under these circumstances, I consider it necessary to ask you to think of some practical proposal to prevent what I regard as Mr Mehta's excesses and to protect innocent Muslim officers in the Revenue Department from the consequences now falling upon them.

Furthermore, despite the Glancy Report and despite a number of vacant posts, no Muslim has been appointed as the senior officer of any department.

The position with other gazetted and non-gazetted posts is almost the same.

It will be extremely difficult for the Muslims ever to secure their proper share of government employment unless every vacancy that arises is given to Muslims.

Otherwise, if the existing practice continues—where, for example, two posts become vacant and one is given to a Hindu and one to a Muslim—it will be difficult to establish a balance even after approximately a century.

Under these circumstances, satisfying the Muslims is, if not impossible, certainly extremely difficult.

Establishment Of An Assembly

The establishment of an Assembly was also among the recommendations of the Glancy Commission.

A study of its proposed composition makes it perfectly clear that it will amount to little more than a debating chamber.

In my personal opinion and belief, it will become nothing more than an instrument of autocratic rule.

The report of the Franchise Committee, however, has established the qualifications for voting, and the electoral rolls are now being prepared according to those qualifications. From this it becomes clear that the Franchise Committee has also kept the right to vote within an extremely narrow circle. As for the remaining features of the Assembly, it would be premature to express an opinion until all of them have been published in full.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

Gentlemen!

I have troubled your hearing for more than long enough and have taken a considerable amount of your time.

But these were extremely important matters, and it was therefore necessary for me to mention them briefly. For this, I ask your forgiveness.

I have no hesitation in admitting that perhaps I have not been able to fulfil completely my duty of hospitality towards you. The reason is that the Muslims of Mirpur are deeply oppressed. For the last two years they have continuously lived under the Government's emergency laws.

This region has, in the true sense, remained a part of the State where constitutional government has been absent.

Even now, our suffering has not come to an end.

I therefore hope that, in the spirit of Islamic brotherhood, you will forgive us for our weaknesses and constraints.

Finally, once again, I thank all of you for travelling such long distances to come here for the progress and welfare of the Muslims of the State.

I raise my hands in prayer to Almighty Allah that He may grant us success in the purpose for which we have all gathered here, and that Allah, the Blessed and Most High, may enable the scattered members of our community to become united and organised, so that we may properly guide this oppressed and subjected community, find solutions to its difficulties and sufferings, and easily confront all tyrannical powers that stand in the way of our destination.

I now request my respected and dear friend, Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah Sahib, MSc (Aligarh), the President-elect, to take the presidential chair and give us the opportunity to benefit from his valuable thoughts.

Servant of the Community

Muhammad Akbar Khan

An Appeal To Muslim Brothers

Gentlemen, before finally concluding, I also consider it appropriate to address a few words to my Hindu and Sikh compatriots.

Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs have lived on this land for a very long time with bonds and relations of brotherhood.

And in the future too, for as long as we have to live beneath this blue sky and upon this earth, we cannot separate ourselves from one another.

Nor is it possible for us to cut off all relations with one another and continue living in this country.

It is also part of human nature that people sometimes quarrel and fight amongst themselves. But a quarrel is not something that should cause human beings to separate from one another for ever.

The only means for the welfare, well-being and progress of the communities living in this country is mutual unity and trust. By following that path, we can become the best citizens of this country.

Under these circumstances, I feel no hesitation in making this appeal to you

Come, let all of us forget the events of the past and once again establish peace, reconciliation, friendship and love in this country, and become one.

May I expect my compatriots to assist us in securing the release of the prisoners from the previous disturbances?

One great benefit of doing so would be that the bitterness and resentment that inevitably developed between us would be transformed into love and affection.

I hope that my Hindu and Sikh brothers will give my appeal their sympathetic consideration.

Presidential Address To The Tabligh Conference —

A. R. Sagar Sahib and Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan Sahib established the Tabligh Conference in order to expose what they regarded as the religious and political activities and intrigues of the Qadianis. Raja Sahib was appointed its President.

This presidential address was printed and published by A. R. Sagar, organiser of the Tabligh Conference, at Prem Printing Press, Jammu, and Raja Sahib delivered it at the Tabligh Conference.

In the Name of Allah, the Most Compassionate, the Most Merciful

Praise be to Allah. We praise Him, seek His help and ask His forgiveness. We believe in Him and place our trust in Him. We seek refuge in Allah from the evils within ourselves and from our bad deeds.

Whomever Allah guides, none can lead astray; and whomever He allows to go astray, none can guide.

We bear witness that there is no god but Allah, alone, without partner; and we bear witness that our leader and master Muhammad is His servant and Messenger.

“Hold firmly, all together, to the rope of Allah and do not become divided. Remember Allah’s favour upon you: when you were enemies, He joined your hearts together, and through His grace you became brothers. You were on the edge of a pit of fire and He saved you from it. In this way Allah makes His signs clear to you so that you may be guided.”

Respected Audience

In choosing me to preside over the Tabligh Conference, you have shown generosity and goodwill towards me.

The purpose of this conference is connected with the religious condition of Muslims and with the duty of tabligh—the propagation and communication of Islam.

A particular question confronting Muslims at this time is the activity of the Qadiani/Ahmadi movement. The issue, in my view, cannot be understood merely from the outward claims made in the name of religious propagation. We must examine what is actually being preached, what beliefs are being advanced, and what political and religious effects they are producing.

Qadiani Propagation

How can it be reasonable that a large number of people in the Islamic world should be declared unbelievers, while the conversion of a few individuals—who are considered Muslims according to Qadiani belief—should cause people to begin praising their propagation?

Would you approve of giving respect and value to the propagation of a community which regards figures such as Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Syed Jamaat Ali Shah, Muhaddith Alipuri, Sultan Ibn Saud, Dr Sir Muhammad Iqbal, Zahir Shah, Reza Shah Pahlavi, Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha, Amir Shakib Arslan, Maulana Syed Ataullah Shah Bukhari, and other leading personalities as unbelievers or as Jews?

My answer to this question is simply this

Mirzai propagation is not Islamic propagation; rather, indirectly, it is the propagation of Christianity.

I therefore consider it necessary to place before you some extracts from Mirzai books in order to show you what Mirzai belief says.

Disrespect Towards The Prophets

Raja Akbar Khan then reproduces a series of quotations which he attributes to Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and Ahmadi/Qadiani publications.

The first reads

“Many thrones descended from heaven, but my throne was placed above all of them.”

Haqiqat-ul-Wahi, p. 280

—Mirza Ghulam Ahmad

He then quotes the following Persian couplet

“Although many prophets have passed before,

in spiritual knowledge I am inferior to none.”

—Mirza Ghulam Ahmad

The Urdu text itself then provides the meaning

“Although many prophets have passed, I am not inferior to any of them.”

The speech continues by quoting another statement

“The intellectual development of the Promised Messiah was greater than that of the Holy Prophet ﷺ. In this age civilisation had advanced further, and this partial superiority which the Promised Messiah possessed over the Holy Prophet ﷺ resulted from the fact that, because of the lesser development of civilisation [in the earlier period], the intellectual capacities of the Holy Prophet ﷺ could not find their fullest expression...” Raja Akbar Khan continues presenting quotations which, in his argument, demonstrate what he regarded as the movement’s disrespect towards earlier prophets.

One of the quoted passages states

“The Promised Messiah declared me to be Joseph. I say: what need was there to give me this name? It was so that the insult previously inflicted upon Joseph should be remedied through me. He was a Joseph whom his brothers drove out of the house, whereas this Joseph drove his hostile brothers out of the house ... It is not easy to compete with me.”

Irfan-e-Ilahi, pp. 94–95.

Another quotation reads

“God Almighty gave you [Mirza Sahib] the name Jesus so that, whereas the first Jesus was placed upon the cross by the Jews, you should place upon the cross the Jew-like people of this age.”

Taqdir-e-Ilahi, p. 29.

Akbar Khan then gives his own conclusion

The extracts quoted above make it entirely clear, in my view, what kind of propagation the Mirzais are carrying out.

My only purpose in presenting these references is that those who admire Mirzai propagation should consider the following questions:

Do they wish to call disrespect towards the prophets religious propagation?

Do they regard offensive language against the Ahl al-Bayt as propagation?

Can those who establish a separate qibla and adopt a separate pilgrimage be regarded as deserving the title of propagators of Islam?

Can people who are unwilling to perform the funeral prayer of those who profess the name of Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah ﷺ, be said to be propagating Islam?

What Islam, then, are they propagating?

Do you consider it acceptable that, under the cover of Islam, a community should describe the mind of the Qadiani prophet as the mind of a more advanced age than the blessed mind of the Holy Prophet ﷺ, and should regard the mind of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ as weaker than that of the Qadiani prophet?

Mirzai Propagation Among Non-Muslim Communities And Its Effects

The propagation carried out by the Mirzais in India has, in my view, produced no effect except to create poisonous feelings of mutual hostility and resentment among the inhabitants of India, thereby increasing divisions between Hindus and Muslims.

They made unjustified and improper attacks upon the leaders and respected figures of non-Muslim communities. Unfortunately, instead of replying to these attacks by directing their response against the founder of Mirzai belief, some non- Muslims turned their pens against the sacred person of the Prophet of Yathrib [Prophet Muhammad ﷺ].

The Mirzai preachers, after firing their shots into the air, disappeared.

But at the altar of defending the honour of the Prophet, Qazi Abdul Rashid, Ghazi Ilm-ud-Din Shaheed, Ghazi Abdul Qayyum —

Mirzai Propagation Among Non-Muslim Communities And Its Effects — Continued

But at the altar of defending the honour of the Prophet, Hazrat Qazi Abdul Rashid, Ghazi Ilm-ud-Din Shaheed, Ghazi Abdul Qayyum Shaheed, and Maulana Muhammad Siddiq Shaheed offered their lives in devotion to the Messenger.

How beautifully Maulana Zafar Ali Khan expressed it

Until I give my life for the honour of the Prophet of Yathrib, God is my witness, my faith cannot be complete.

And today there is the Karachi incident, which has spread mourning through the homes of the Muslims of India. If we reflect upon it, this too, in my view, is one of the consequences produced by Mirzai propagation.

Otherwise, before the emergence of the Qadiani religion, hardly any such insulting book against the Prophet of Islam had been published in India.

Indeed, I would say that ordinary Hindus also held feelings of respect and honour not only for the noble person of the Holy Prophet ﷺ but for other religious elders as well, and no such unpleasant incident had occurred.

But with the emergence of the Mirzai religion, countless insulting books were published one after another. These have today polluted the atmosphere of love that existed in India. Therefore, while I condemn the actions of the Mirzais, I also make a sincere appeal to my non-Muslim brothers: if they wish to write something in reply to what they regard as Mirzai absurdities, it would be better for them to write against the Qadiani prophet of the Mirzais.

In this way the feelings of ordinary Muslims would not be hurt. It is quite possible that this would reduce, at least to some extent, the religious conflict which has made the people of India its battleground.

The Kashmir Freedom Movement And The Mirzais

Gentlemen!

Three or four years have now passed since the Muslims of Jammu and Kashmir, affected by the banning of the khutba [sermon] and by an incident involving disrespect towards the Holy Qur’an, raised their voices against their oppression.

Our painful cry produced a storm of agitation and concern throughout the Muslim world.

The Muslims of India in general, and the Muslims of Punjab in particular, were so deeply affected that they began an organised and effective peaceful struggle.

The wealthy and leading Muslims of India who could not themselves enter the field decided firmly to help us through constitutional means.

As a result, the All India Kashmir Committee was established. Unfortunately for Kashmir, and because of the tolerance shown by Muslim nobles and leading figures, its leadership was entrusted to the Khalifa of Qadian.

This was probably the first occasion in Qadiani history when the Qadianis were given an opportunity to intervene in politics. They began their political experiment upon the simple and oppressed Muslims of Kashmir.

In my view, this group showed neither consideration for the simple Muslims of the State nor proper respect for the tolerance shown by the leading Muslims of India. Instead, it attempted to make improper and unjustified use of that tolerance.

Among the other leading Indian personalities who were members of the All India Kashmir Committee was the famous philosopher of the Muslim world, Allama Sir Muhammad Iqbal. The Mirzais took advantage of his membership. They had a pamphlet printed in Arabic and distributed it in Egypt, Syria, Damascus, Aleppo, Jerusalem and other Arab countries, claiming that Allama Iqbal had accepted the Khalifa of Qadian as his Imam and leader.

The purpose, according to Raja Akbar Khan’s argument, was to use Allama Iqbal’s reputation to make the propagation of Mirzai beliefs easier in the Arab countries.

A number of other facts also came to light. These had such an effect upon the Muslims of India that the Qadiani Khalifa was eventually compelled to withdraw from the presidency and leadership of the All India Kashmir Committee.

The Mirzai Committee And Its Assistance

There are hundreds of lessons for Muslims in the events described above, showing, in my view, how the Mirzais exploit the tolerance of Muslims for their own purposes and objectives. I will now speak briefly about the State and about the treatment which the Qadiani community gave to the Muslims of the State.

It resembles exactly the behaviour of a moneylender towards a borrower in desperate need.

The greater the borrower’s need for a loan, and the greater his helplessness, the more the moneylender increases the interest and makes the conditions of the loan stronger and harsher. The Qadianis, in my view, adopted exactly this method and course of action.

As greater hardships and sufferings fell upon us, and as every person—

The claim is still made by way of objection, by what the text calls the “agitating section”, that civil disobedience was ended solely through the influence of the Kashmir Association. After this open declaration in the Qadian newspaper, the true value of the claim that assistance had been given to the Muslims of Kashmir becomes a matter for serious reflection by people of understanding.

In Raja Akbar Khan’s argument, the Mirzais allowed the sacrifices of the Muslims of Kashmir to be wasted and instead obtained a certificate of recognition from the Anglo-Indian press.

From this he concludes that the Qadianis destroyed the spirit of freedom among the Muslims of Kashmir in order to establish the influence of the Kashmir Committee.

In addition, the Khalifa of Qadian, in the second letter of the fourth series of his letter entitled To the Brothers of Jammu and Kashmir, page 3, describes his services to the Government in these words:

“Along with this, I shall reproduce the writings of the British officers which they sent to Syed Zain-ul-Abidin, and in which they have written that they [the Qadianis] gave the State full assistance in maintaining peace.”

From the above quotation, Raja Akbar Khan argues that the question becomes clear: did the Mirzais assist the Muslims, or did they assist the State Government in suppressing the voice of the Muslims’ legitimate demands under the pretext of maintaining peace, and thereby obtain certificates and expressions of Government approval?

He continues

If only Muslims would reflect upon these quotations and consider what kind of spectacle this is.

On the one hand, the Mirzais claim to have placed Muslims under an obligation through their assistance.

On the other hand, by presenting their assistance to the Government in maintaining peace, they obtain certificates of official approval.

From this, it appears that the Mirzais have kept both the Government and the Muslims in the dark.

Programme Of Action

I consider it appropriate to set out the programme of the Tabligh movement under the following points:

To eradicate and prevent what the speech calls the “menace of Mirzaism”; to protect Muslims in future from what it describes as its deceptive net; and to seek its exclusion from Islamic institutions.

To carry out religious propagation among non-Muslim communities and to provide every possible assistance to new Muslims.

To establish prayer committees under the Tabligh Conference in every town and village, and to provide them with literature for religious propagation.

To establish a Tabligh delegation which will visit every part of the State, make Muslims aware of their responsibilities regarding religious propagation, and advise the committee about the means through which such work should be carried out.

An Appeal To The Religious Scholars And Leading Figures Of The Community

I also make a strong appeal to the religious scholars of the community and its leading personalities to continue providing every possible assistance and advice to this purely religious-propagation organisation, whose sole purpose is to fulfil the important and sacred duty of tabligh.

For tabligh is the key to our future success.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

Gentlemen!

I have taken up more than enough of your time.

You have kindly endured the trouble of listening to my broken and scattered thoughts, even at the cost of your valuable time. For this, I thank you once again.

I hope that you will give us your full assistance in opposing what the speech calls the “Qadiani menace”, and in bringing religious life among Muslims.

PRAYER

Finally, I pray to my Most High and Almighty God that Allah may remove our errors and weaknesses and grant us patience and steadfastness, and firmness and constancy in our resolve. Ameen, and again Ameen.

1 April 1935

Servant of the Community

This brings us to the end of the 1935 Tabligh Conference address. One portion in the middle remains to be recovered because the searchable manuscript text breaks there; I have deliberately not concealed that gap or supplied my own wording.

The next major original document is “Pesh-e-Fir‘aunan Bگو Harf-e-Kalim” — Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’s speech concerning the Arms Act. The manuscript’s contents date it 1943, while the introductory text elsewhere dates its delivery to 1942; when we reach it, I will preserve that discrepancy exactly rather than silently choosing one date.

“Speak The Words Of Moses Before The Pharaohs”

Speech concerning the Arms Act

There is a dating difference within the original manuscript itself. The contents page describes this as a speech concerning the Arms Act delivered in 1943, while the introductory note immediately before the speech says that Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan delivered it in 1942 at Panjera, Mohra Hill, Tehsil Kotli. I am preserving both dates rather than altering the source.

At the time of this speech, Sardar Budh Singh introduced Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan in the following words:

Sardar Budh Singh’s Introduction

Dear brothers!

We have been brought here by the beloved son of your district and our President, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan.

He told Sher-e-Kashmir [Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah] that Mirpur District is an extremely backward part of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, where people are dying from hunger and poverty, and that its people wish to hear his valuable words. Sheikh Sahib therefore accepted the invitation, and all of us have come here in response to Raja Sahib’s request.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan has already served three years of rigorous imprisonment.

I first had the opportunity to meet him in prison.

His only “crime” was that he demanded bread with dignity for the people.

I remember an incident from his prison life, and I would like to repeat it here.

When Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was sent to prison, nine hundred people were imprisoned along with him.

The Government considered him dangerous and confined him in the cell in which prisoners sentenced to death were normally kept.

I noticed that Raja Sahib repeatedly came outside. I thought perhaps he had become distressed.

I could not restrain myself, so I asked him the reason.

The late Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan replied

“What will become of my country? What will happen to the hungry people? If, out of sympathy for their oppression, I do not protest against Dogra rule, what answer will I give before God on the Day of Judgement?”

A man who carries the suffering of his people in his heart will now address you.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’S Speech

My fellow countrymen and friends!

The people of this country are being ground in the mill of oppression.

The remnants of the old oppressive age continue to exist in this country.

Across the world, the winds of freedom in the twentieth century are breaking the chains of slavery. Yet ours is that unfortunate part of the world whose people remain unfamiliar even with the meaning of freedom.

I myself became conscious of my slavery during the last World War, when, as a soldier, I travelled through different countries while fighting for the consolidation of British rule.

I had the opportunity to go to Turkey.

I saw Iran with my own eyes.

I travelled through many countries of the world.

I found feelings of hatred and contempt towards Indians, and people condemned Indians for accepting a life of slavery.

It was during my military service that I came to realise that, instead of fighting for the survival of British imperialism, I should fight like a soldier for the freedom of my own beloved homeland.

I do not know how to make speeches. I have stood up only to obey the instruction of my President.

You will remember that in 1931 the people of Jammu and Kashmir raised their voice against Dogra brutality.

The result was that the Dogra Government came out against the people with all its oppressive weapons.

The people were subjected to repression, but their demand for freedom could not simply be extinguished.

Certainly. I’ll disregard the previously uploaded manuscript for this passage and translate only the Urdu you have pasted here, keeping the English simple, readable and political while remaining close to the original.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’s Speech — Continued

Instead of addressing the grievances of the people, the Government began to crush them. It tried to suppress the people’s freedom movement through violence and repression. The prisons were filled.

But in the end, the forces of tyranny had to bow before the power of the people. As a result, today we have reached a position where we can hold a public meeting freely.

Ten years ago, if you had held a meeting at this very place, the police and the army would have been standing over your heads. The full force of the Government would have been brought in to suppress you.

It is because of those sacrifices that today we are able to sit together like this.

Even today, we are unarmed. Yet the Government is passing an oppressive law designed to weaken us further by depriving the people of weapons.

We raised this issue in the Assembly. But the majority in the Assembly consists of Government representatives. Our representatives protested against this law and stated clearly that it would provoke rebellion throughout the country.

But Prime Minister Ayyangar arrogantly replied that if there was agitation, he would deal with it.

On one side stand 3.6 million people opposed to this law. On the other side, one man stands up and gets a law passed against their wishes.

The Dogra Maharaja had declared that his religion was justice, and that he regarded everyone as equal.

Let me give you a living example of this justice.

Under the law I have just mentioned, Hindu Rajputs have been permitted to possess weapons.

When we ask why Hindu Rajputs have been allowed to keep weapons, we are told that the traditions of India show that Hindu Rajputs worship weapons.

But I ask the Government: do Hindu Rajputs worship only the gun, or do they worship the bullets as well?

There is no answer.

Look, then, at Hari Singh’s religion of justice.

This law has been made with the backing of military power. The Prime Minister has dragged Hari Singh’s proclaimed religion of justice through the mud.

O Rajputs of Mirpur!

What has happened to your sense of honour? Where have you lost your self-respect?

Hindu Rajputs are permitted to possess weapons, but you are not even regarded as Rajputs.

Go and ask Hari Singh to explain his “religion of justice”. The petty rewards of numberdari and zaildari, worth a few annas, have made you bow your heads before this shameful law.

Allama Iqbal said that even one dog does not bow its head before another dog. Yet I see you completely bowing before Hari Singh’s law.

This was only a passing remark. In my own view, there is no distinction between a Rajput and a non-Rajput. I regard everyone as the children of one father.

And it is my firm belief that when the Dogra Government resorts to brutality, it will make no distinction between Rajput and non-Rajput.

A Call To Action

My fellow countrymen!

Remember the teaching of the Holy Qur’an

God does not change the condition of a people until they try to change their condition themselves.

God helps those who help themselves.

I am calling you to action.

The destiny of nations is not changed by prayers alone. Remember the event in Islamic history when the Prophet of Islam had to enter the battlefield of Badr with 313 soldiers. They fought against an oppressive power and achieved victory. The Prophet ﷺ prayed for victory and divine help on the battlefield of Badr. If the Prophet of Islam could not simply sit in the mosque at Medina and achieve victory through prayer alone, how can we expect to free ourselves from the curse of slavery merely through prayers?

If God’s law did not change even for the Prophet of Islam, then merely saying, “May worms infest the guns of Italy,” cannot defeat Italian soldiers.

Until you enter the field of action, your destiny will not change. Friends! Pray your prayers—but pray the kind of prayers that Husayn ibn Ali prayed, and the kind that Khalid ibn al-Walid prayed.

It is this prayer inspired by passionate commitment that can become the means of your liberation. Merely rubbing your forehead against the ground cannot change the laws of nature.

Freedom And Peace

Dear friends!

You are passing through an age in which armies are being brought down from the skies.

The world has advanced so far that no country can now accept the principle of slavery.

If peace is to be established in the world, it is essential that all the peoples of the world should grow and develop in an atmosphere of freedom.

No country should attempt to enslave another country.

I can hear the voice of this Government accusing us

“You are rebelling. You are spreading hatred against the Government throughout the country. Because of you, the peace of the country is in danger.”

But I ask

Can there be peace in a country where there is hardly a single home in which children are not crying from hunger?

The Government’s comforting words and reassuring pats on the back are no cure for hunger.

There is now only one remedy

The country must be made free, and the people must be provided with opportunities for economic development. People!

The times themselves are calling out to you

Become one. Unite. Stand together.

If thieves and robbers can remain united, why can you not unite to put an end to oppression?

Farmers And Workers

Poor farmers!

Have you ever stopped to think that this Government stands upon the point of your plough?

If the plough breaks, everyone will starve.

The farmer works throughout the year, but the fruits of his labour are consumed by the capitalist.

Farmers and workers! Bring about a revolution in the country. What is revolution?

What does transformation mean?

What does it mean to change something?

WHAT IS REVOLUTION?

Friends!

Day and night are changing.

Revolutions are taking place throughout the world.

The moon and the stars are changing.

Yet the farmer and the worker here remain resigned to fate. My fellow countrymen and friends!

Come!

Let us cast aside our present clothes.

Let us rebel against a life of slavery and degradation.

I have made a pledge that I will not rest until I have transformed the slavery of your country into freedom.

This is revolution.

This is the revolution I have in my mind.

Published in Sach, Jammu

Freedom Edition, 19 August 1941

A Historic Letter

To Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah

This letter was written in 1946, only a few days before Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’s death.

Create your own place in the realm of love;

Create a new age, new mornings and new evenings. Respected Sheikh Sahib, may your kindness endure,

My respected comrade, peace be upon you.

You know that the continuous struggle of the past several years, my national, political and community responsibilities, and the sheer burden of work have seriously damaged my health. Despite extensive medical treatment, care and precautions, my illness continues to grow worse. It is exactly as the saying goes:

The illness continued to grow, the more it was treated.

I am now unable even to walk about.

In the doctor’s opinion, it is now pointless to hope for the restoration of my health. Yet, through your prayers and my trust in the grace of God, I continue to live, and I have neither lost hope nor fallen into despair.

For Providence has made me patient and grateful and has taught me to accept God’s will. And I know that:

The believer triumphs through determination and trust in God; Without these qualities, faith itself is wanting.

Life and death lie entirely within the power and authority of Allah. Therefore

The honourable Muslim keeps his eyes fixed upon God;

What is death but a journey into another realm?

Once you belong to God, whom is there left to fear?

You acquire the wealth of independence from worldly need in both worlds—and once acquired, it does not leave you.

My Political Beliefs

Respected friend!

You know very well that in politics I am the standard-bearer of radical revolutionary ideas, because we have been given this pure teaching:

Sacrifice yourself upon the path of the One who is the absolute benefactor;

And do as much good as you can to His servants throughout the world.

And we have also been taught

Continue struggling within this ancient world

Until a new world comes into being.

Under your leadership, I have worked according to this belief. In pursuit of this great objective, I have even sacrificed something as precious as my health.

Despite my extreme weakness, I still find within myself the same enthusiasm, the same passion and the same spirit that I possessed at the beginning. I still wish, as before, to remain in the front ranks of your army and continue the struggle.

By raising the historic slogan “Quit Kashmir”, you have confirmed and given expression to my own ideas, my highest feelings and my deepest aspirations.

May Allah preserve you with honour.

Ameen, and again Ameen.

You have acted with tremendous courage and bravery. And why should it be otherwise?

The code of courageous men is to speak the truth without fear; The lions of God do not know the ways of the fox.

And

Speak the words of Moses before the Pharaohs,

So that your blow may divide the sea in two.

Is this not precisely the lesson given to those who struggle? You have lived up to that standard. You have acted upon it completely.

By striking at exactly the right moment, you have provided timely and excellent leadership to the deeply oppressed people of the State.

You have struck at the right moment. Such a blow cannot go in vain.

You have demonstrated a fine understanding of the opportunity before you and a farsighted awareness of its consequences.

It is about a person who acts at such a moment that it has been said

The servant of truth is master of his days and nights;

He himself becomes the star of his destiny.

The Struggle And My Helplessness

Your honourable comrades are engaged in your sacred struggle for freedom. They have put everything at stake and are enduring the hardships of prison and confinement.

For you understand that

He has no right to tomorrow’s sorrow or happiness

Who does not burn brightly and suffer deeply today.

But alas!

I, your soldier, am lying helpless on a sickbed in my village, Chamahal Abdullahpur, District Mirpur.

How great the difference!

What an enormous distance there is between health and illness.

But believe me: my heart is not far from you.

Your imprisonment behind the iron bars of the jail, your presence in the hunter’s cage, makes me struggle like a fish out of water. It torments me, makes me weep, and leaves me deeply anxious and restless.

I am greatly troubled.

I cannot be with you physically, but mentally and intellectually I am with you in this struggle.

I long for victory and ask for your prayers.

For courageous soldiers of freedom such as yourselves, to fight for freedom is an act of true honour and nobility. It is a great virtue and a great act of worship.

And why should it not be so? The rank of jihad is indeed very high.

We should be grateful that we have been granted this honour. Under the flag of the National Conference, and beneath your blessed leadership, the sacrifices of all of us will soon bear fruit.

The clouds of suffering are about to disperse.

And an age of freedom is about to spread throughout the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

For

Revolution has arisen within its heart;

The night has passed and the sun has appeared.

Repression Cannot Destroy The Desire For Freedom

The courage, patience, steadfastness, bravery and determination with which the Government’s immense oppression, coercion, brutality and violence have been resisted —and continue to be resisted—are without parallel.

The oppressive Government has made an unsuccessful attempt to destroy the pure desire for freedom, noble ideas and higher aspirations through its brutal baton charges and savage firing. It has played Holi with the blood of innocent people.

It has pursued a harsh policy of brutality and barbarism.

The sooner it changes this policy, the better.

I have instructed those activists who remain outside prison to continue their activities with full determination, to confront the Government’s excesses with both understanding and passion, and not to become frightened by hardship.

I have told them

Repression makes the plant of freedom flower and bear fruit; it does not make it wither.

The struggle must therefore be intensified still further.

They should always remember

Every design remains incomplete without the blood of the heart;

Every song remains an immature passion without the blood of the heart.

Just as crushing a flower releases its fragrance, and grinding henna releases its colour; just as a drop becomes a pearl in the turbulence of the sea—so too, in times of hardship, the true qualities of a human being reveal themselves.

The sleeping lion awakens.

It turns.

It enters the struggle and changes its destiny.

Therefore, we should not become frightened. Instead, we should understand

Through the blows of sorrow, human nature reaches perfection;

The dust of grief is the adornment of the mirror of the heart. The weeping of the defenceless, the cries of the helpless, the screams of those in pain, the crying of children, the lamentations of widows and the mourning of the elderly never go completely unheard.

The mercy of Allah hears their grief-filled cries and grants them acceptance.

There may be delay in the court of God, but there is no darkness or injustice there. His grasp is severe.

This is why countless governments have drowned in the cries of the oppressed.

This Government will ultimately meet the same fate.

For

The heavens will become a mirror filled with the light of dawn, And the darkness of night will be forced to flee.

This ship, overloaded with sins and wrongdoing, is going to sink.

This boat of oppression and vessel of violence cannot escape the whirlpool of calamity.

This is a law of nature, operating through all time.

Oppression must ultimately disappear, and truth must ultimately rise.

Sovereignty belongs only to Allah, and He alone is truly entitled to it.

For

Sovereignty belongs only to that incomparable Being;

He alone is the ruler—the rest are idols fashioned by human hands.

The Purpose Of Our Struggle

You are ghazis—fighters in a sacred struggle. Allah is your protector and helper.

And when He is the protector and helper, who can stand against you?

For ultimately truth must prevail

Within you flows an irresistible flood;

Before it, even a mighty mountain becomes like straw.

The purpose of life for all of us is

to eliminate oppression;

to raise up the oppressed;

to free the enslaved;

to overthrow a false system;

and to raise truth to its rightful place.

No one can therefore question the greatness and nobility of these objectives.

The Lord of the worlds, through His grace and mercy, has brought these aims towards fulfilment.

Success stands before us.

O soldiers of God!

Success is kissing your feet, and victory is about to become your servant.

But patience and self-control remain essential.

Wherever love has spread its field of struggle,

It has made the poor inheritors of kings.

That blessed time and sacred moment will soon arrive when you, my friends, will emerge through your victorious struggle. By the grace of God, victory and success have been destined for you.

When you return safely and successfully, give thanks to Almighty God. Thank all those individuals, organisations and newspapers that participated in and supported this good cause. And then devote yourselves to the selfless and constructive service of the poor masses.

Work day and night to repair what has been ruined in our beloved homeland.

For

Winning freedom is easier; rebuilding a devastated country is much harder.

That will be your first duty.

If I am still alive when you are successfully released, then please come to see me at your first opportunity, together with all your comrades.

I am waiting for you with immense longing.

Freedom Will Bring Responsibility

Freedom will bring responsibility.

And responsibility will make us drink bitter draughts.

Let no one in this world remain dependent upon another; This, and this alone, is the essence of the clear law.

However bitter the medicine may taste, people of wisdom and understanding know well

Bitter medicine is the cure for disease.

After freedom, your responsibilities and duties will become even greater.

For

If the heart is alive and awake, then gradually

The servant is granted an ever more watchful eye.

O respected leader!

You know that a true Muslim is a soldier of God.

His duties are important and his responsibilities delicate.

He is the protector of God’s creation—the guardian of their lives, property, honour and dignity.

The Holy Qur’an is a guiding light not only for him but for everyone. It is a complete code of life and, in my view, the finest revolutionary book.

We must continue to live up to the standards it establishes and safeguard the rights of both Allah and His creation.

Arguments about whether we are few or many are pointless. What matters is the work.

Allama Iqbal said

The wise do not become entangled in complications of words; Does the diver seek the shell, or the pearl within it?

The National Conference And “Naya Kashmir”

O Commander of the national army!

The Lord Almighty has blessed you with fine qualities and adorned you with admirable virtues.

We should be grateful that, under your leadership, the National Conference is making the greatest possible use of its abilities, rendering valuable service under your supreme leadership and working upon the programme of Naya Kashmir — New Kashmir.

Naya Kashmir is not a divinely revealed book.

It is an adopted political programme.

It may contain shortcomings—and it does.

It can therefore, and should, be amended according to changing circumstances and needs, so that it can become as useful as possible to the people.

Remember

The old politics has been disgraced;

The earth has grown weary of lords and kings.

The age of capitalism has gone;

The show is over and the conjurer has departed.

This country needs a system of government in which the people are content and happy; all their rights are protected; they are masters of their own destiny; and the paths of progress are open to them.

Distinctions of high and low, and the practice of untouchability, must not prevent anyone—whether regarded as respectable or humble—from living with dignity.

However, there should be no special concession for traitors, those who refuse to work, cheats, plunderers, or those who expect reward without labour.

Such people deserve severe punishment.

Some people do not respond to words alone and understand only when consequences follow their actions.

The principles of reform and welfare must therefore be applied firmly, while always keeping before us the principle:

Measure yourselves by the standard of Mustafa,

So that you may bring a new world into being.

The destination is certainly difficult.

But it can be reached through collective and united effort, hard work and courage, brotherhood and love, truth and justice, bravery and service, and good moral character.

The Danger Of Power

Unity is a great treasure.

It must not be allowed to slip from our hands at any price.

And remember

Government brings power. If power is not kept under control, it can bring foolishness and arrogance, which can throw people into the pit of misguidance.

We must protect ourselves against this.

The remedy is simple: a human being must remain human and must never forget his Creator.

One person must respect another.

And service to humanity must be regarded as an act of worship.

Someone has beautifully said

Compassion of heart, loyalty and the spirit of faith—

These constitute humanity; these make a person truly human. For this reason, the people of our homeland must be made capable of becoming self-sufficient in meeting their own needs. They must become skilled participants in economic and political life.

They should strive to surpass the rest of the world in service to humanity.

They should follow the golden principles of earning through their own labour and sharing what they have with one another in a spirit of love.

And they should understand

Firm faith, continuous action and love that conquers the world —

These are the swords of men in the struggle of life.

We must therefore prepare our people so that they can stand with honour, dignity and respect among the civilised nations of the world.

But this requires hard work, courage, enthusiasm, patience and steadfastness.

To Sheikh Abdullah And The National Conference Workers

O Sher-e-Kashmir!

It is an immense favour of the Creator of heaven and earth that most of the workers and leaders of the National Conference possess good, clean and admirable qualities.

These qualities are the secret of the organisation’s success.

I acknowledge and respect the services of all these people and offer them my appreciation and congratulations.

Please accept them.

As for myself, I need say only this

I am your old comrade and a companion of those who struggle for what they believe to be right.

I regard my life as a trust belonging to the nation, and for that reason I have continued to devote it to national work.

I am only a humble servant of the nation.

I find my honour and dignity in serving it.

The same is true of my other comrades in this area.

Many of them are tried and tested soldiers whom you already know.

Despite immense difficulties, suffering, poverty and hunger, and despite fierce storms of opposition, they have continued working with complete dedication and courage.

And they continue to do so today.

They are certainly poor.

But they are deeply sincere.

They are embodiments of honesty and decency.

In every respect they are worthy of trust.

Many of the hopes, wishes and aspirations of our beloved homeland are connected with them.

May Providence enable them to succeed in every trial and test. Ameen, and again Ameen.

These friends particularly need your attention.

Look after them in every possible way.

Never forget them.

They are yours.

I have carried out this national, community and patriotic work because I regarded it as my duty.

I have performed that duty with hard work and dedication.

I have done no favour to anyone.

I did it because I regarded myself and my life as belonging to the nation and the community.

Life, Death And My Family

I have taken much of your time and said a great deal.

Let me add only this.

Life is temporary.

The world comes and goes, and there is no certainty in it. Every living being must taste death.

It is a stage through which every human being and every living creature must pass, except God Almighty.

There is no escape from death, nor can death be conquered. Death will come, and it will come at its appointed time—not a moment earlier and not a moment later.

Life and death are inseparable realities and part of the path of truth.

So why fear death?

I have been ill for a long time and am extremely weak.

They say that sometimes a person suffering from a long illness eventually recovers.

I too retain that hope, and I continue my treatment with complete confidence.

How can I adequately thank the doctors?

May God reward them.

But if Providence calls me away, then, O my elder brother, please look after my home, my family and my children.

After God, I entrust them to you.

Please continue to pay attention to their education, upbringing and welfare.

And if possible, through you I wish to leave to the nation and the country the finest fruit of my life:

my beloved son, Khalid.

I leave him as my inheritance to the nation, the country and humanity, so that he may devote himself to their selfless service.

He is promising and capable.

Give him the best possible political education and training. Prepare him so that, in the service of God’s creation, he may shine like the sun in the sky of distinction; so that the world may benefit from him; so that he may regard greatness as lying in service; and so that he may prove himself a genuine well-wisher of humanity and become a servant of Allah.

Then Allah will be with him, and difficulties will be put right.

The Future Of Sach

The newspaper Sach is a national organ.

I have spent my own resources to keep it alive.

It must be kept alive in the future as well.

It must not be allowed to close.

Instead, it should be run on a sound and improved basis.

It will remain useful.

In short, if I have to depart, I entrust all my responsibilities to you—and I entrust you to God.

This alone, O cupbearer, is the poor man’s wealth;

It is through this that, even in poverty, I am rich.

What else could a national worker like me possess?

And why should he possess anything else?

“I HAVE WANDERED FAR FROM WHERE I BEGAN”

Oh!

Where did I begin, and where have I now reached?

What a state of distress and scattered thought!

But

It is no wonder that my conversation is scattered;

If the light of dawn does not spread itself everywhere, it is nothing at all.

What can I write?

The passion of the heart cannot be contained upon a sheet of paper;

This is an ocean that cannot be contained within a small vessel. I have said many things to you.

My heart wishes that I could simply go on talking to you.

If only Providence would give me enough strength to come to you in Bhadarwah Jail—what happiness that would bring! But sadly, that is beyond my power.

I still hope that perhaps Providence will grant me enough time to meet you.

For Him, of course, nothing is difficult.

I trust that your young loved ones are well.

From my sickbed I continue to pray for you and for all our other comrades.

My dear Muhammad Shafi occasionally manages to find some time and, taking great precautions, comes to see me—but even he comes under the cover of darkness.

I am dictating these lines to him.

Love compels him to remain near me, while duty compels him to remain away and continue his work.

In any case, love is love and duty is duty.

Duty must therefore be performed.

He understands this too.

I do not know how the days are passing for you and our friends in prison.

Extracts From Prison Letters

To Master Ata Muhammad — 9 September 1939

“As for the question of teaching, preaching, religious propagation and guidance, this requires strong character and immense determination and steadfastness—qualities which, to a considerable extent, are lacking among our respected religious scholars.

“If these people would truly devote themselves to God, place their trust in Allah alone, develop within themselves the spirit of patience and contentment, and abandon their dependence upon anyone other than God, then I firmly believe that they could become excellent helmsmen of the nation’s boat, while at the same time not being deprived of their own personal welfare and well-being.”

9 September 1939

To Master Ata Muhammad

“If the maulvis had not separated religion from politics and withdrawn into the security of their religious chambers, there would never have been any need for us to become Nationalists, nor could the nation have been reduced to such oppression and subjugation.

“The maulvis became absorbed merely in their prayer beads and meditation, while outsiders raised up the wealthy and the powerful, rewarded them with titles, and attempted to erase the traditions of Islam.”

The Poor, Political Power And Self-Awareness

“After reflecting upon all these events, we are ultimately forced to conclude that until consciousness and self-awareness develop among the ordinary people, individuals and forces hungry for power will continue to exploit the simplicity of the poor in order to gain political power.

“They have done so in the past, and they are doing so now. “We are poor.

“We are oppressed.

“We are simple people.

“No one feels our pain. No one feels our sorrow. No one cares about our suffering.

“If we are to rise; if we are not to be sacrificed at the altar of those who hunger for power; if we are to rescue our new generations from the bloody claws of the capitalist class; if we are to obtain those rights which nature itself has made essential to our existence—then we must put aside our poverty, helplessness, destitution and hunger and stand up like men to confront the situation.

“We cannot build our future by depending upon some outside power or by placing ourselves at somebody else’s mercy.

“We must build it through that spirit which is called self-confidence and trust in Allah.

The poor must write the letters of their own destiny with their own blood.

“Otherwise, if the poor continue looking towards the nation’s dinner-eating leaders and wealthy seekers of political power, then nature will certainly deliver upon them the same judgement that it has always delivered upon the lazy, the negligent, the frightened and the cowardly.

“To tell you the truth, it now appears that the awakening of the poor has caused the capitalist and power-seeking forces to tremble with fear.

“They can find no other protection except to invoke religion.

“And if you look carefully, you will be astonished to discover exactly who is now raising the cry that religion is in danger and must be protected.

“Their Kaaba is London, around which they have spent their lives performing their political pilgrimage.

“Instead of obeying the Book of Allah, they receive their revelations from the Government.

“They obtain their spiritual inspiration not from the deserts of Arabia, but from the hills of Simla.

“They have done so in the past, and they continue to do so today.

“And even today, in the name of religion, the destiny of poor Muslims is being traded away.

“The same is true here of the seths, chaudhries, rajas and other reactionaries.

“The National Movement, which is in reality a message of awakening for the poor, the workers and those who live by hard physical labour, has begun to make the ground shake beneath their feet.”

12-4-96 Bikrami

[Date reproduced as it appears in the supplied Urdu.]

The Strike Of The Jammu Sweepers

“Yes, I almost forgot to tell you the latest news from here. “The poor sweepers of Jammu placed certain demands before the Committee. But the authorities of the Committee responded to their demands in the manner in which despotism has always shown itself.

“The sweepers went on strike.

“In the end, the authorities began arresting the sweepers —men and women alike—and sending them to prison. “By the evening of 24 Sawan, a considerable number of the men and women had been brought inside the jail. “Once inside, the men became quiet.

“But the women shook the walls of the prison with their slogans

Long live revolution!

Long live the poor!

Long live bread!

Long live the people who live in huts!

“Their breastfeeding babies were taken away from them. “They were locked inside narrow, dark cells.

“But their determination did not weaken in the slightest. “Eventually, at twelve noon on 30 Sawan, news arrived that their demands had been accepted, and they were released from prison immediately.

“I was so delighted that I repeatedly and passionately recited the late Allama Iqbal’s poem, Farman-e- Khudawandi Farishton Ke Naam—‘God’s Command to the Angels’:

Rise and awaken the poor of my world;

Shake the doors and walls of the palaces of the rich.

“It made me happy to see that the lowly sparrow had entered into battle with the falcon.”

“DO NOT WELCOME ME—BUILD THE NATIONAL LIFE”

“I received Maulana Siakhvi’s valued letter on 22 Bhadon, in which he gave me the good news that preparations were being made to give me a reception upon my release. “But think about it.

“Would not this reception and procession be a mockery of me?

“What does it matter whether I personally am welcomed or not, if there is no sympathy for the great purpose for which I have struggled?

“My true welcome would be to discover how much of our national life has been built during my absence.

“In any case, I will write to him about this matter in reply to his letter.”

Books, Newspapers And Prison

“My dear friend, when it comes to books, please do not ask me how many I need.

However many books I have, they are never enough.

“I can give up bread as part of a hunger strike.

“But to give up books and newspapers even for one hour would, for me, be an unbearable calamity.”

Sacrifice And The Politics Of Kashmir

“You mentioned in your previous letter, and again in this one, that Kashmir politics has acquired an important position within Indian politics.

“This was inevitable.

“The Kashmir Movement has behind it immense sacrifices, and further sacrifices continue to be made.

“My heartfelt desire and aspiration is that even if it takes us several more years to reach our destination, every step we take forward should be accompanied by sacrifice and stained with the blood of our hearts.

“So that when the historian of the future takes up his pen to write about the modern age of Kashmir, he will encounter unparalleled sacrifices at every step—sacrifices of which our future generations may be proud.

“And so that this new age may be constructed upon a mighty rock.

“Allama Iqbal said

A kingdom that we have not purchased with our own blood Is a source of shame to the Muslim.

“For this reason, it is necessary.

“And the time will come when Kashmiri politics itself will be regarded as a foundation stone for the political guidance of India.

“It is through the grace and mercy of Allah that He Himself continues to create circumstances which provide us with support.

“And, in the words of Shibli

‘Among dead nations, sometimes a sudden religious or national event becomes the means of awakening them from the sleep of negligence.’”

My Arrest And A New Phase Of Politics

“My own arrest proved to be one of those events.

“The Government and its supporters wanted to keep me inside prison in order to clear the electoral field.

“But their action failed to produce the result they intended.

“Instead, it marked the beginning of a new era in the politics of Kashmir.

“Before this event, the Muslim Conference was increasingly confining itself to a completely constitutional, local and petitioning form of politics.

“Whenever even a minor grievance arose, memorials and resolutions were prepared, delegations were formed, and petitions were carried to the doors of those in authority. “People would go before the Government and humble themselves with their appeals.

The revolutionary mentality was disappearing day by day. “Nor did we possess any single, clearly defined demand. “But after this event, all those constitutional links through which we had remained connected to the Government and its authorities suddenly broke apart.

“We turned towards a new revolutionary direction.

“At the same time, the entire list of individual grievances and demands was put to one side.

“One single demand became the centre of all our attention

RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT.

“And, as you have said, the sympathy of the whole of India now stands behind us.

“It is true that public opinion has considerable influence. “But I do not place my faith in public opinion.

My faith is in the power of action of the people.

“Nations succeed through their power to act.

“And it is that power of action which, in turn, shapes and influences public opinion.”

The Power Of Action

Allama Iqbal said

Through the force of their action, they transformed the world; Living nations have won great battles.

The astrologer’s forecast of tomorrow is false;

The old stars have fallen from the heavens.

The substance of the world is so full of fire

That stars are shattered by the waves of the rivers.

The earth finds no respite from earthquakes;

The subtle signs of nature are becoming visible.

How long will the springs of the Himalayas continue to surge? Khizr stands on the shores of Wular, wondering.

Our public opinion has always bowed before action, and it will continue to do so.

Apart from this, an influential group has now emerged which has joined us in enduring the hardships of imprisonment and confinement.

Considering these circumstances, I believe that although my relatives and those close to me have had to endure immense hardship and suffering, our sacrifices have not been wasted. Their effect can be seen in the growing strength of the national movement.

I do, however, have a serious complaint against my own homeland and against my comrades.

At a time when, in every corner of Kashmir, people were protesting in support of the movement launched in my name, and were confronting the oppression of the Government, not a single voice was raised from my own homeland, which was supposed to be a cradle of freedom and liberty.

The responsibility for this does not lie with the ordinary people. It lies with my friends and comrades, in whom I had placed enormous trust.

But at the final moment, like the disciples of Jesus Christ, they spat in my face and saved themselves from suffering. Nevertheless, the movement continues. The work continues. And the hunger and deprivation we have endured will not remain without result.

The Zamindara League And Class Politics

You have also written about the establishment of the new Zamindara League.

You already know my views about such leagues and organisations. I do not place much faith in them. Nevertheless, if zamindars or non-zamindars, Rajputs or Sayyids—or any other biradari—organise themselves and become stronger, no one could be happier about it than I would be.

I would regard it as one part of the work I myself wish to see accomplished.

But the League of Abbas Ali and Company is not doing that work.

Instead, among a people who have been downtrodden for centuries, and whose minds need to be awakened to a revolutionary consciousness, they are spreading the stale intoxicant of loyalty, servility to authority and flattery in order to achieve their own selfish and objectionable purposes.

And nothing else can really be expected from them.

For under a capitalist system of government, these people are merely the pieces through which capitalism operates.

They understand that their own power can survive only for as long as the central power behind them—that is, capitalist power—continues to protect them.

And that central power also understands that, for as long as these capitalists and their political agents remain in place, it faces no serious danger.

After considerable thought, I have reached the conclusion that because of the economic question facing the country, the real divisions of the future will not be:

Hindu and Muslim,

Jat and Rajput,

zamindar and non-zamindar.

Instead, there will ultimately be two communities: capital and poverty.

And between these two, there will be a terrible struggle.

On Yasin’S Education And Livelihood

“I have heard that Yasin has become a wali of Allah.

I therefore request you kindly to arrange for him to begin studying Urdu books until I return.

Please regard this as a personal matter of mine.

It is possible that he may develop an interest in education. After a year, he could be entered for the Munshi Adib examination and perhaps then be placed in some useful employment.

For even alongside faqiri [a life of spiritual simplicity or asceticism], a person still has a very real need for bread. Please find some way of providing him with a means of livelihood.

By all means, let him go about as a faqir at night if he wishes—but during the day he should study.

If he agrees to this, I shall be grateful.

Please also let me know your own advice on the matter.

It is important.”

In The Eyes Of His Contemporaries

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was born in 1895–96 in Abdullahpur Chamahal, about three-quarters of a mile from the confluence of the River Poonch and the River Jhelum. His father, Raja Nek Muhammad Khan, was a modest landowner whose livelihood came from farming.

When Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was about seven years old, the State of Jammu and Kashmir was struck by such a severe famine that many families were forced to migrate. Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan went with his parents to Laliani, a small town in Sargodha District.

At that time there was a religious school in Laliani, supervised by Hafiz Fazal Karim. Raja Sahib had the opportunity to receive his religious education there. In addition to learning to read the Holy Qur’an, he received elementary instruction in Arabic. This education created in him a desire to acquire further religious knowledge, and throughout his life he continued to read religious books with great interest and enthusiasm.

After spending several years at the school, he returned to his village.

From Soldier to Rebel

As a young man, he was extremely fond of kabaddi and horse riding. It was this passion that eventually took him into the army.

A recruiting officer, impressed by his strong physique, enlisted him at the age of only sixteen. He joined the 23rd Cavalry. Because of his skill as a horseman, he quickly made a name for himself.

When the First World War began, he had the opportunity to travel to different countries. He visited Iran, Makkah, Madinah and Turkey.

Seeing the excesses of the British in Muslim countries created within him a deep hatred of British oppression and violence. At the same time, movements for freedom were beginning to emerge in other countries.

Influenced by this growing current of freedom, he made a firm decision: instead of risking his life for British imperialism, he would raise the banner of rebellion against Dogra rule and British rule for the freedom of his own country and would struggle to free it from the curse of slavery.

By the end of the First World War, when he was brought to Rawalpindi Cantonment, his experiences and observations had firmly established this rebellious spirit within him.

One morning, this simmering rebellion finally erupted.

He went onto the parade ground with the buttons of his shirt undone and the laces of his boots untied. A British major was inspecting the soldiers. Seeing him in this condition, the major ordered him:

“Fasten your buttons and tie your bootlaces.”

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan replied like an enraged lion

“The humiliation that the British are inflicting upon this world will not be changed by my fastening my buttons or tying my bootlaces.

If it troubles you so much, do it yourself.”

Such an answer was completely contrary to military discipline and could have resulted in severe punishment under military law.

But the major adopted a characteristically British tactical approach and did not confront him there and then.

When Raja Sahib returned to the barracks, however, his name had been removed from military service.

Leaving the Army

Having thrown off the yoke of military service, Raja Sahib went to Campbellpur.

There he rented a shop in Saddar Bazaar and began selling military goods such as blankets and boots.

But he spent more time at the shop encouraging soldiers to leave military service than selling merchandise.

During this period, one of his relatives, Raja Bostan Khan, went to Rawalpindi to enlist in the army. He was staying in the cantonment with Raja Muhammad Khan.

Raja Sahib also used to stay at Raja Muhammad Khan’s house whenever he went to the cantonment to purchase stock for his shop. It was there that he met Raja Bostan.

Raja Sahib persuaded him not to enlist in the British Army. The following day, he took Raja Bostan back with him to Campbellpur and placed him in charge of the shop.

Raja Bostan Khan proved to be a good shopkeeper. He concentrated on running the business, while Raja Sahib remained absorbed in his own activities.

Encounter with Poverty and Exploitation

After some time, Raja Sahib’s respected father brought him back home.

Following a period in the village, Raja Sahib took employment with a firm connected with the Forest Department. He later left that firm and obtained employment with the Co-operative Bank.

By temperament, however, he had never been made for employment under others.

Perhaps Providence intended that this employment should give him an opportunity to witness closely the abuses of the moneylending system.

During this period he had a particular opportunity to observe the difficulties faced by poor families and the inhuman treatment they received from the capitalist class.

Witnessing these methods of exploitation created within him an intense hatred of the exploiting class. He made a firm decision to devote his life to the welfare of the oppressed classes.

The abuses of British imperialism and the capitalist class eventually drove him to leave his position with the Co-operative Bank.

By this time the freedom movement was gathering strength. When A. R. Sagar came to Mirpur on an organisational tour, Raja Sahib met him privately. During their conversation, he told Sagar that he intended to resign from his employment. Initially, Sagar advised him against resigning. But after understanding Raja Sahib’s temperament and the strength of his commitment, he agreed with him.

Following this meeting, Raja Sahib submitted a twelve-page resignation to Malik Maqbool Sahib, Registrar of the Co-operative Bank.

When Malik Sahib read it, he realised that this was not simply a resignation from a job.

It was a declaration of rebellion by a born rebel against British rule and Dogra autocracy.

Malik Sahib called Raja Sahib and explained that although what he had written was undoubtedly true and justified, he was not in a position to forward such a resignation to the Government.

He suggested that Raja Sahib should simply mention some personal difficulty and submit a brief, ordinary resignation. Raja Sahib refused.

He told Malik Sahib that there was no personal difficulty compelling him to resign. He therefore could not withdraw or replace the resignation he had written.

Eventually, through his own administrative judgement, Malik Sahib somehow managed to have the resignation accepted.

A Life Devoted to Politics

After leaving his employment, Raja Sahib became actively involved in politics.

Economically, he received full support from his respected father and his brothers. From the beginning, his father had freed him from household responsibilities.

His two brothers, Raja Muhammad Ashraf Khan and Raja Muhammad Yasin Khan, also supported and assisted him. This enabled him to devote himself with peace of mind to the service of suffering humanity.

His mother also showed great patience in accepting his life of simplicity and his unconventional, almost qalandar-like ways. She never attempted to divert him from the path he believed to be right.

He remained occupied with political work day and night, while his parents and brothers rarely uttered a word of complaint. He always kept his personal needs to an absolute minimum. Of his six daughters, he was able during his lifetime to arrange the marriages of only three.

In matters of marriage, he carefully observed the requirements of Islamic law and conducted the marriage ceremonies with great simplicity.

Challenging Wasteful Social Customs

Through the example of his own character, Raja Sahib also won the affection of his family and the people of his village.

A number of customs involving social display and extravagance existed within his biradari. To maintain social prestige, some families had mortgaged virtually everything they possessed to moneylenders.

Customs associated with “kori roti”, “chhakein”, drums, music and elaborate celebrations could result in families selling their land.

Raja Sahib worked effectively to eliminate such practices. More importantly, he set a practical example himself and thereby persuaded others to follow him.

He married his eldest daughter, Sarwar Sultana, to a poor young man from his own biradari, Hukam Dad Khan.

He gave his daughter only one set of clothes, placed her on a horse and sent her to her new home.

By rejecting the elaborate palki custom, he established an example for the close members of his family to follow. According to the account, this practice continued within the family even after many of its members had moved to Britain and become relatively prosperous.

He similarly broke with extravagant customs surrounding death and mourning.

Ending Litigation and Supporting the Poor

Another long-standing curse of village life was unnecessary litigation.

Government-aligned numberdars, zaildars, chaudhries and other local power-brokers would inflame minor disagreements and turn them into court cases.

Such litigation could continue for years and ruin entire families.

In his own village, Raja Sahib entrusted his relative Raja Lal Khan, a man known for his great patience, with the responsibility of ensuring that opposing parties were reconciled wherever possible.

He also gave Raja Lal Khan responsibility for looking after orphans and poverty-stricken families.

On Eid in particular, Raja Sahib would not put even a morsel of food into his own mouth until he was satisfied that every orphan and every widow in the village was able to share in the happiness of Eid.

One way or another, he would arrange what they needed. Because of this humanitarian spirit, his village gradually acquired the character of a welfare-oriented community.

The Orphan Girl

Raja Sahib made every possible effort to protect the poor and socially vulnerable people of his village.

There was one poor family in the village with a girl who had effectively been left without support. Because of difficult circumstances, her mother had remarried in Rawalpindi. When this helpless girl reached marriageable age, Raja Sahib personally took responsibility for arranging her marriage.

He himself found a suitable match in Mirpur.

He personally brought the wedding party from Mirpur and, under his own guardianship, arranged the girl’s marriage. The Blind Old Woman

There was also an elderly woman in the village who had lost her eyesight.

She was living in extremely miserable circumstances in a small hut.

Because the hut had become so filthy, nobody was willing even to go near her.

Raja Sahib went there himself.

He picked up a broom and began cleaning the hut with his own hands.

When the other women of the neighbourhood heard what he was doing, they hurried there and took over the cleaning. Raja Sahib then returned home and brought his mother and his wife with him.

He personally cut the old woman’s nails and asked his mother and wife to bathe her with warm water.

They did as he requested.

A few days later, when the old woman died, Raja Sahib arranged her washing, shrouding and burial.

He then entrusted the care of her children to a person living nearby.

These living and visible examples inspired others to develop the same spirit of service to humanity.

Courage in Political Life

The impact Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan made in political life was also deeply connected with his humanitarianism, his concern for the poor, and his courage and steadfastness.

Even at the most difficult moments, his steps never faltered. He confronted every hardship with extraordinary courage. The path he had chosen inevitably involved imprisonment and suffering. He therefore always accepted such hardships with a cheerful and determined spirit.

Raja Sahib and one of his comrades, Abdul Majid Malang, established a remarkable tradition of courage and fearlessness —one which, according to this account, became an enduring chapter in the history of the freedom struggle of the subcontinent.

Evading Arrest

On one occasion, warrants had been issued for Raja Sahib’s arrest.

The State police searched everywhere for him. They combed through villages and towns but were unable to arrest him. Raja Sahib was staying at the Malang Khana in Mohalla Mistrian, Jhelum city.

Eventually, when the police search became intense, Raja Sahib and Maulana Malang set out for Mirpur by way of Dina.

By the time they reached a village north of Dina, evening had fallen.

They approached a house seeking shelter.

The family, believing them to be ordinary travellers, allowed them to stay for the night.

Maulana Malang persuaded the household to accept a small payment and asked them to provide breakfast early the following morning so that they could leave without delay.

The family agreed.

But in the morning they hesitated, so the two men left.

They swam across the river at Mangla Pattan.

During their journey, they also decided upon a plan for voluntarily presenting themselves for arrest.

After crossing the river, Raja Sahib left Maulana Malang in an abandoned mosque in Monda village.

News had already reached Mirpur that the two men were travelling towards the State.

Raja Sahib himself then went home.

The police could hardly imagine that a man they were searching for would return directly to his own house, and therefore they did not go towards his village.

After reaching home, Raja Sahib gave Chaudhry Saif Ali a coded message and instructed him to bring Maulana Malang from the mosque at Monda and accommodate him at Gadyari Mohra Gujran.

Maulana Malang Appears in Mirpur

Early the following morning, Chaudhry Saif Ali set out for Mirpur with Maulana Malang.

At the time of Friday prayers, Maulana Malang suddenly and mysteriously appeared at Naloi Mosque in Mirpur.

After the traditional opening of the sermon, he fiercely denounced the ruling class which, in his words, lived upon human flesh and blood, and called upon the oppressed people to reclaim their rights.

Maulana Malang explained very clearly that Islam is a religion of brotherhood and equality, and that it upholds the principle that confronting coercion and despotism is a fundamental duty of every Muslim.

Friday prayers were approaching their conclusion when a large contingent of police surrounded the whole of Mohalla Naloi.

The police reached the door of the mosque.

They arrested Maulana Malang and took him into custody. Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His Contemporaries

On Saturday, Raja Sahib also set out towards Mirpur city to offer himself for arrest.

As soon as he entered the city limits, people began gathering around him in large numbers. The police were already eager to arrest him. Raja Sahib instructed the people not to break the law, and then voluntarily surrendered himself amid resounding slogans of:

“Long Live the Revolution!”

Within a few days, Maulana Malang and Raja Sahib were brought before the Deputy Commissioner of Mirpur.

The moment the Deputy Commissioner saw Maulana Malang, he said

“You troublesome maulvi! Why have you come here from British territory into the State to create trouble?”

Maulana Malang courageously replied to the British Deputy Commissioner

“And why have you come here from the continent of Europe to the Indian subcontinent to create trouble?”

The Deputy Commissioner replied

“But, Maulvi, we rule here.”

Maulana Malang answered

“The people here have rejected the Treaty of Amritsar. They are no longer prepared to tolerate the rule of you British troublemakers or your oppressive regime.

“This country belongs to us. This land belongs to those of us who were born from its soil.

“You should leave and go back. You may have the right to govern Europe, but here British and Dogra rule has already ended in the hearts and minds of the people. These oppressors can no longer be tolerated.”

Maulana then repeated his words in English, because he suspected that the official might not have fully understood the meaning and spirit of what he had said.

On hearing this, the Deputy Commissioner looked around in embarrassment and finally ordered

“Take Maulvi Sahib away from here.”

Trial in Jammu

After spending several days under arrest in Mirpur, Raja Sahib and Maulana Malang were placed in leg-irons and handcuffs and taken to Jammu.

Before they had even reached Jammu, news of their arrival had spread among the people, who began making preparations to welcome them.

The authorities became alarmed by this public enthusiasm. They therefore took the two men off their transport about a mile or a mile and a half before the main station in Jammu and brought them into the city on foot.

During their trial in Jammu, both men refused to defend their case. Instead, in open court, they admitted to the charge of rebellion.

When Raja Sahib was brought before the Jammu court, an unusual exchange took place between him and the judge.

After asking his name, his father’s name and his place of residence, the judge asked

“What is your occupation?”

Raja Sahib immediately replied

“To spread rebellion against Hari Singh’s oppressive rule.” Several Muslim and Hindu lawyers were present to represent him. But when Raja Sahib himself declared this to be his occupation, they were left astonished, looking at one another in disbelief.

Maulana Malang likewise admitted the charge himself.

The two remained in Jammu for some time. Raja Sahib was then transferred to Kathua Jail. Some time later, the two comrades were reunited in Kathua Jail.

Life in Prison and the Death of His Son

Raja Sahib endured prison life with the same patience and fortitude that characterised the rest of his life.

While imprisoned in Kathua, he received news that his five-year-old son, Ehsan-ul-Haq, who had been born after two daughters, had died.

Even on receiving this devastating news, he remained patient and accepting of God’s will.

Some time later, while he was still in prison, he received news of the birth of another son.

As soon as he heard the news, he prostrated himself before God in gratitude.

Maulana Malang suggested that the child should be named Khalid Khan.

Raja Khalid Khan’s Education

Although Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan did not live long enough to oversee Khalid Khan’s education and upbringing for many years, the way in which he educated his only surviving son during the roughly nine or ten years available to him shows that he possessed a distinctive concept of revolutionary education and upbringing.

When Raja Khalid Khan was about five years old, Raja Sahib brought him a first-class primer and Yassarnal Qur’an for his early education.

At that time, Khawaja Syed Muhammad Sahib and his wife were teaching at the Boys’ Middle School and Girls’ Primary School in Abdullahpur Chamahal.

Raja Sahib asked Khawaja Sahib to teach the child the elementary primer, Yassarnal Qur’an, and basic arithmetic. Both husband and wife had great affection for Raja Sahib and his children. They taught his son with considerable care and kindness.

Raja Sahib believed that a child should certainly go to school, but he was opposed to formally enrolling a young child in the early classes.

His view was that

Educational institutions developed under autocracy and colonialism provide the means through which autocracy and colonialism reproduce and strengthen themselves.

He believed that the fundamental purpose of such education was to remove the desire for freedom from the hearts and minds of children, and that the curriculum itself had been designed with this objective in mind.

Such schools certainly taught children to recognise letters and numbers and to write them, but, in his view, they did not allow children's creative abilities to develop freely.

At the insistence of Khalid Khan’s mother, Raja Sahib eventually agreed that the child should attend school so that he could mix with other children.

But he still did not favour formal enrolment.

He believed that teachers assumed greater authority and responsibility over formally enrolled pupils, which also led them to punish children.

In his view

Punishment and harsh treatment make children timid.

Such treatment prevented the positive qualities of freedom, brotherhood and equality from developing fully within them. Punishment and anger could also make a child stubborn and defiant.

These were the basic ideas behind his decision not to have Raja Khalid Khan formally enrolled in school until the fifth class. Education Through Experience

Raja Sahib tried whenever possible to keep Khalid Khan with him in Mirpur city.

He often took him on long journeys and used those journeys as opportunities for his education and development.

During his travels and stays in different places, Raja Sahib frequently taught him through observation and experience. He made him memorise many verses by Allama Iqbal and Maulana Hali.

He also gave the boy opportunities to speak at both small and large public gatherings.

Whenever Raja Khalid Khan returned from making a speech from the stage in Mirpur, Srinagar or elsewhere, his father encouraged him by saying:

“By singing and singing, one eventually becomes a master singer.”

When Khalid was in the third and fourth classes, Raja Sahib began making his only son sleep on the floor.

His purpose was to make him physically and mentally tough. He believed that children raised entirely in comfort and luxury gradually lost their capacity for hard work and endurance, while excessive attachment to comfort made them servants of their desires.

By contrast, an upbringing involving hardship strengthened their willpower and capacity for struggle.

During the fourth class, Khalid spent much of his time in his father’s company. Sometimes Raja Sahib took him to Jammu and sometimes to Srinagar.

In Srinagar they stayed together at the Taj Hotel in Maisuma. In Mirpur, Raja Sahib made a point of inviting Amir-e-Shariat Syed Ataullah Shah Bukhari once or twice every year. Whenever Shah Ji came, he would affectionately hold poetry competitions with Khalid.

After reciting several verses, Shah Ji would deliberately admit defeat and give Khalid a reward from his own pocket.

Raja Sahib would smile and say

“Pir Ji, breathe a blessing over Khalid and pray for him.”

After offering his prayer, Shah Ji would have Khalid repeat his passionate slogans

“Curse upon the father of British imperialism!”

“Curse upon Dogra rule!”

When Khalid Khan reached the fifth class, Raja Sahib completed preparations to have him admitted to Jamia Millia Delhi.

But his illness did not give him the opportunity to carry out this plan.

His Final Wishes

In the letter Raja Sahib wrote to Sheikh Abdullah from his sickbed, he requested that attention should be given to Khalid Khan’s education and that the newspaper Sach should be kept alive.

These two wishes show that, until his final breath, he wanted his mission of freedom and service to humanity to continue. Providence fulfilled both of these wishes after his death. Before becoming editor of Sach, he had published Himmat. Haji Wahabuddin was the proprietor of Himmat, while Sach was Raja Sahib’s own newspaper.

The names of the two newspapers reflected his own character. Himmat means courage, while Sach means truth.

Courage and truth belong together.

Through these two newspapers, Raja Sahib attempted to cultivate these same two fundamental qualities among the people of Kashmir.

The Sach Office: Newspaper, School and Refuge

The two newspapers were not simply publications.

They also served as institutions of political education and as places of refuge for suffering people.

People persecuted by the loyal servants and agents of Dogra rule would travel for miles to bring their grievances to the office of Sach.

They would remove their shoes and sit on the simple mat spread across the floor.

Among them were oppressed men and women alike.

Raja Sahib would listen very carefully to their stories of suffering and injustice and then make every possible effort to find some remedy.

Sometimes, after hearing particularly painful accounts, he would become deeply moved and address them:

“You who are being ground in the mill of despotism! End your personal disputes. Stand like a wall of solid iron against the storms of oppression and tyranny.”

At other times, in his distinctive manner, he would say

“Stop accepting the condition of being oppressed.

“Settle your account with the descendants of Dogra Gulab Singh.

“Change this oppressive system.

“That is the cure for your suffering.”

The Sach office was more than a complaints office. It also became a place of residence for a number of poor students. They lived there day and night, surviving on simple food while continuing their education.

The back room of the Sach office was reserved as a library.

It contained a substantial collection of books in Urdu, Hindi, Persian and Arabic.

Raja Sahib made extensive use of this library himself, as did his comrades and students.

Reading had brought a revolution into Raja Sahib’s own life. Because of this personal experience, he believed passionately in the importance of good books.

He therefore purchased and collected books capable of transforming the intellectual and emotional world of their readers.

Everyday Life at the Sach Office

A thick, old dari covered the floor of the library room.

There was a large table and an old chair used for reading and writing.

On the roof above the office was a small covered space containing a loose, rope-woven charpoy, a brick-built stove, a small pot for making tea and several earthen cups.

Tea was frequently made at the Sach office.

The newspaper’s calligrapher, Muhammad Yusuf, usually prepared it.

When the tea was ready, Raja Sahib would call Lala Khan, whose shoe-repair shop stood opposite the office, to join the other comrades.

Raja Sahib affectionately called him “Mir-e-Majlis” — the Master of the Gathering.

After tea, they would sit there discussing political, social and religious questions.

His Comrades

Many of Raja Sahib’s friends were embodiments of sacrifice and sincerity.

He regarded as his true comrade only someone who was actively struggling against Dogra rule—someone who had sacrificed everything for freedom, carried roasted chickpeas in his pocket, threw a shawl or loi over his shoulder, and travelled from village to village awakening people against the despotic system.

The sincere and selfless comrades whom Providence brought to him possessed not only impeccable character but considerable ability.

There was not even a trace of religious bigotry or communal hatred among them.

Among his senior comrades were Sardar Budh Singh, Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi and Haji Wahabuddin.

Among the younger generation were Chaudhry Muhammad Shafi Comrade, Comrade Trilok Chand and Comrade Krishan Dev Sethi.

They were embodiments of loyalty, humanity, compassion and concern for the suffering of others.

Sardar Budh Singh

It can certainly be said of Sardar Budh Singh that he was the first person in the State of Jammu and Kashmir to lay the foundations of the freedom movement.

He resigned from government service in order to devote himself to the service of humanity.

Nor was his government position an insignificant one.

At the time of his resignation, he was a Wazir-e-Wazarat—effectively a Deputy Commissioner.

He left government service in 1925.

So impressed was the Maharaja by his public spirit that he awarded him a special pension of 77 rupees.

During his government service, Budh Singh had the opportunity to observe at close quarters the helpless condition of the people of Kashmir.

The heartbreaking scenes created by begar—compulsory unpaid labour—would bring tears to his eyes.

On one occasion, the Government ordered a road to be constructed through begar. Budh Singh refused to carry out the order.

In 1922, while travelling from Jammu to Srinagar, he saw labourers being subjected to begar at place after place.

He could not remain silent after witnessing these inhuman scenes.

At a public meeting in Hazuri Bagh, Srinagar, he openly condemned these practices as destructive of human dignity. While still in government service, he also came into conflict with Prime Minister Mr Wakefield.

He was known for generously helping poor and helpless people.

The Settlement Commissioner once wrote of him

“Budh Singh helps the zamindars to such an extent that he does not even concern himself with rules and regulations.”

Budh Singh’s Writings

In 1925, Budh Singh brought together the bitter experiences and observations of his government career in a work entitled Faryad-e-Raiyat — The Cry of the Subjects.

In addition to Faryad-e-Raiyat, he wrote another book entitled Mulazmat Ki Zindagi — Life in Government Service.

Reading these two books reveals how bitter the lives of the people of Kashmir had become under Dogra rule.

He also wrote Dihati Zindagi — Rural Life, dealing with the problems of village society.

In Rural Life, Budh Singh put forward a number of important proposals for improving the condition of the peasantry. Some of them were:

“The grazing tax should be abolished completely. In places where there is no grazing land at all, collecting a grazing tax is plainly an act of severe injustice and oppression.”

He also proposed

“Land revenue should be reduced by at least one half.”

On the Government’s control over mulberry trees belonging to cultivators, he wrote

“The Government has forcibly taken control of mulberry trees which are the property of the zamindars. The owners in possession of the land have no right to use their branches, leaves or timber.

“What remarkable justice this is: the land belongs to the zamindar, but its produce belongs to the Government.

“If mulberry leaves are required for silkworms, then their price should be paid. The free use of these leaves cannot be justified under any law.

“If a fair price is paid for the trees, the zamindars will regard them as valuable, protect them and indeed plant new ones. There would then be no need for restrictions. “Instead of forcibly compelling the zamindars to protect these trees, why not make them understand their value? And that can be achieved by paying them for the leaves.” In addition to Dihati Zindagi, Sardar Budh Singh wrote, in a fictional or narrative form, Kisan Ki Dastan — The Story of the Peasant.

In it, he portrayed the life and condition of the peasantry.

He concluded the work with this verse by Allama Iqbal

O peasant, become conscious of your own reality:

You are the seed, you are the crop, you are the rain, and you are the harvest.

Budh Singh also wrote a book entitled Gharibon Ke Dukh Ka Ilaj — The Remedy for the Sufferings of the Poor.

The Government confiscated these two books and made reading them an offence.

In addition to confiscating the publications, the authorities also arrested Sardar Budh Singh.

Sardar Budh Singh — Continued

Sardar Budh Singh was sentenced to four months’ solitary confinement in Bahu Fort.

Nor were The Story of the Peasants and The Remedy for the Sufferings of the Poor the only works to meet this fate. Even earlier, the manuscripts of Faryad-e-Raiyat (The Cry of the Subjects) and Mulazmat Ki Zindagi (Life in Government Service) had been confiscated.

Sardar Budh Singh had read the manuscripts of these two books at a public meeting in Hazuri Bagh. In addition to confiscating them, the authorities summoned him from Jammu to Gulmarg to answer for his actions.

But neither this interrogation nor his subsequent imprisonment stopped him from continuing to expose Dogra despotism.

Despite the Government action against The Story of the Peasants in 1930, in 1988 Bikrami (1931) he wrote a pamphlet entitled Dard-e-Dil — The Pain of the Heart.

This pamphlet was essentially a series of proposals addressed to the State Cabinet. In it, Budh Singh presented the problems of the people and drew attention to the need to change the oppressive system.

In Dard-e-Dil, he declared very clearly his determination to continue raising his voice in protest until conditions changed, regardless of imprisonment or hardship:

“If my only crime is that I continue to portray the miserable condition of the poor, the suffering and the helpless, then I am also punished for that crime. Yet I regard such punishment as a source of comfort in carrying out this good work, and I willingly endure it in obedience to God’s command.

“For every difficulty and hardship can only strengthen the work of selfless service. It is an established truth that the more a truthful, innocent servant of justice is made to suffer, the more his suffering becomes a means of removing the pain and suffering of hundreds of thousands of oppressed people, and ultimately bringing such oppression to an end.”

What Loyalty to Government Meant to Budh Singh

In the same pamphlet, he explained his position on loyalty to government

“Personally, I am unquestionably loyal to a policy of justice, compassion, mercy and equality. Any declaration or profession of loyalty contrary to these principles is merely deceit and hypocrisy.

“I cannot remain loyal to any Government which does not practise justice, human compassion and equality, and which does not concern itself with relieving the pain and suffering of its poor and distressed subjects.”

Emphasising the importance of freedom of speech and writing, Budh Singh wrote in Dard-e-Dil

“This freedom is as essential as life itself is to the human body.”

Freedom, Brotherhood and Equality

The desire for freedom, brotherhood and equality kept Budh Singh active throughout his life.

Before writing Dard-e-Dil, he had written a book entitled In Search of Justice and sent it to the Maharaja Bahadur in London.

His compassion and concern for suffering people were evident at every stage of his life.

After being elected to the Kashmir Assembly, he continued to represent the poorer classes with courage and fearlessness.

When a resolution concerning rural reform was introduced in the Assembly, he said

“The peasants are the roots of the State. The Raja, the wealthy and the ministers are the beautiful birds which eat its fruit and enjoy palaces, comfort and luxury because of them. Look after the peasants.”

— Watan, Jammu, 28 Katak 1993 Bikrami.

Because of the Assembly’s limited powers, Budh Singh eventually resigned his membership.

Appealing to the members of the Constitution Committee, he said

“The present Assembly is a useless toy. There can no longer be any misunderstanding about that. Until we possess the authority to shape our own destiny, it will be impossible to maintain peace and order.”

— Watan, Jammu, 13 Poh 1992 Bikrami.

Supporting Muslim Grievances Without Religious Sectarianism Until 1938, while serving as a member of the Assembly, Budh Singh consistently supported what he regarded as the legitimate demands of the Muslim Conference.

He never hesitated to speak what he believed to be the truth. When celebrations were organised to mark the birth of Karan Singh, Budh Singh suggested that three-quarters of the money collected for the celebrations should instead be spent on the poor.

On questions concerning the Arms Act, the Hindi script and representation in government employment, Sardar Budh Singh openly supported the Muslim position.

He regarded the distinction made under the Arms Act between Hindu and Muslim Rajputs—under which Hindu Rajputs were permitted to possess arms—as completely unjustified.

He stated

“It is our firm conviction that the discrimination permitted by the Jammu and Kashmir Arms Act constitutes a direct blow against every community and group living in this State other than Hindu Rajputs. This discrimination is creating serious mistrust in the hearts of these communities.”

The sharpness of Budh Singh’s interventions in the Assembly was no less than that of Chaudhry Hamidullah.

His position on the Hindi script was equally forthright.

His published correspondence with Aiyangar also demonstrates that there was not even a trace of religious prejudice in Sardar Budh Singh.

The Struggle in Chenani

Budh Singh entered the struggle in Chenani, risking his life in opposition to the abuses of Dogra ruler Hari Singh.

To help the people of Chenani resist the excesses of their local Raja, he took a group of three hundred volunteers from Jammu and Udhampur to Chenani.

The Raja’s police attempted to resist them, but Sardar Budh Singh paid no attention and entered Chenani in a triumphant manner.

While imprisoned in Reasi Jail, he observed the full Ramadan fasts alongside Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas.

Budh Singh had developed a back problem while still a young man. Yet despite this disability, he remained second to none in undertaking organisational tours and carrying the message of freedom from house to house.

The statement he made in court during the Quit Kashmir Movement became an important historical document.

In it, he described numerous instances of Gulab Singh’s betrayal of the Khalsa Darbar.

Because of the unusual historical importance of the statement, Mohieddin Qarra had it published in book form so that, in his view, everyone could understand that:

Dogra rule itself had been founded upon betrayal.

Supporting the Beginnings of Journalism

When the newspaper Ranbir was established, Budh Singh did more than simply contribute money.

He donated a piece of land in the name of its proprietor, Mulk Raj Saraf, as his contribution.

Ranbir was the first newspaper of the State.

Budh Singh was extremely pleased that a foundation for journalism had finally been laid, believing that journalism would open new paths towards freedom.

Yet his own personal life remained extraordinarily simple.

He carried a small bag containing chickpeas, jaggery and roasted potatoes.

Despite suffering from back pain, he travelled on foot whenever possible and would not even ride a horse.

His simplicity, spirit of sacrifice and freedom from religious prejudice meant that almost everyone who came into close contact with him became deeply impressed by him.

Budh Singh and the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ

Budh Singh frequently spoke about the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ.

With deep respect and reverence, he would discuss the contribution of the Benefactor of Humanity towards the poor and disadvantaged classes.

His speech at a Milad gathering in Pathar Masjid was described as more moving than those of many Muslim speakers.

On one occasion, when Sardar Budh Singh entered Abdullahpur Chamahal, one of Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’s close relatives became visibly displeased.

The relative expressed his anger to several other people, and eventually Budh Singh learned of it.

Seeing the hostility, Budh Singh began his speech with this verse from the Holy Qur’an

“And We have not sent you except as a mercy to all the worlds.”

(Qur’an 21:107)

Explaining the verse, he said

“The Prophet Muhammad ﷺ was sent as a mercy for all humanity. I too seek shelter beneath his compassion. But some of his followers seem to find even this objectionable.”

His speech removed the tension.

Rejecting the Moneylending System

Krishan Chand Sethi and Trilok Chand permanently abandoned the moneylending system.

They demonstrated their rejection of it in practical terms by forgiving not only the interest but also the original principal of the debts owed to them.

Thousands of Muslims had been trapped within a system of ever-compounding interest, and the two men withdrew from that system altogether.

The account nevertheless expresses regret that people such as Sardar Budh Singh, Sethi and Trilok Chand were relatively few. Most others, it argues, displayed such narrow-mindedness that partition eventually became inevitable.

The majority made no serious effort to remove the bitterness accumulated over centuries, and the oppression of Muslims could not be stopped by this small number of individuals.

Sagar Sahib would often say

“Among Muslims, the truly non-sectarian man is Raja Akbar; among Sikhs, it is Sardar Budh Singh. But how can two examples alone change the course of history?”

From An Elite-Centred Movement To A Mass Movement

The character and work of Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan and his selfless comrades transformed the freedom struggle, over a period of fifteen years, into a mass movement.

Initially, the movement was centred upon Srinagar and Jammu. Through their efforts, however, it spread throughout the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

Politically conscious people in the villages also began joining the movement.

The belief that Dogra rule was unshakeable and that resistance against it was futile gradually disappeared from people’s minds.

Wherever the Dogra Government, its agents or its officials committed an injustice, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan and his comrades raised their voices against it.

Through their practical efforts to protect ordinary people from oppressive forces in their everyday struggles, their influence continued to expand.

Mirpur as a Centre of Resistance

The work carried out by Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan and his comrades during 1931 and 1932 demonstrated that Mirpur had become a stronghold of the freedom struggle.

In 1931, according to this account, the largest number of protest demonstrations took place in this region.

The Kashmir Committee eventually had to send lawyers to represent those facing prosecution in connection with these protests.

Allama Iqbal demanded the release of those arrested in these cases.

In 1932, a movement for the non-payment of land revenue arose only in Mirpur and Rajouri.

This was the first campaign of civil disobedience.

It placed the Dogra and British authorities in an extremely difficult position.

The situation was eventually brought under control with the assistance of the British Army.

According to this account, in return for this assistance, the British subsequently obtained the Gilgit region on lease.

The movement therefore had far-reaching consequences. These two movements became important milestones in the freedom struggle of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

As a result of the success of these two campaigns, the Muslim Conference held its second annual session in Mirpur.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan delivered the welcoming address at that session.

Thereafter, he remained at the forefront of the demand for responsible government.

The Quit Kashmir Movement

When the Quit Kashmir Movement began in 1946, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was unable to participate personally because of his illness.

Many of his younger and older comrades, however, participated actively.

The weekly Sach was among the leading voices raising the issue of abuses in the Chenani region.

Comrade Muhammad Shafi and Sardar Budh Singh were in the front ranks of this campaign.

Maulana Siakhvi, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan and their other comrades also organised numerous successful Muslim Conference meetings outside Mirpur city.

At a meeting of the District Muslim Conference at Dadyal on 25 Phagan 1993 Bikrami, local activists were joined by Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah and Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas. According to the proceedings published in Himmat on 7 Chet 1993 Bikrami, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan presented the following resolutions:

The law confiscating property upon conversion of religion should be abolished.

In accordance with the recommendations of the Glancy Commission, teachers qualified in Arabic should be appointed to rural schools.

The prohibition preventing Muslims from possessing arms should be abolished.

All debts and agreements should be declared null and void. These resolutions, the account argues, demonstrate that the late Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan strongly protested against what he regarded as the discriminatory treatment of Muslims by the Dogra Government.

It was this discrimination that had originally brought him into political activity.

In his view, the establishment of responsible government had become an urgent necessity.

“WE WANT GOVERNMENT IN THE HANDS OF HINDUS, MUSLIMS AND SIKHS”

At a Muslim Conference meeting held in Poonch on 2 Jeth 1994 Bikrami, Raja Sahib supported a speech by Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas calling for responsible government.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan said

“The history of Muslims is an embodiment of freedom and liberty.

“Muslims were required to obey even the successors of the Prophet only conditionally. When they saw a second piece of cloth upon a Caliph such as Farooq-e-Azam, Umar ibn al- Khattab, they refused to listen to his Friday sermon or obey him until Farooq-e-Azam called upon his pious son Abdullah to explain the matter.

“Can anyone expect a nation possessing such a tradition of freedom to have its voice silenced by cannons, machine guns, swords and bayonets?

“No.

“An age is now approaching in which those bloodstained flags raised after being dyed in human blood will be brought down, and in their place will be raised the flags of peace, humanity and honour.

“It can no longer be tolerated that the hawk should continue tearing apart weak and oppressed little birds and drinking their blood.

“We support equality and peace. We are enemies of absolute rule, coercion and despotism.

“Instead of seeing the system of government here controlled by a handful of powerful and wealthy individuals, we want to see it placed in the hands of the Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs of this country.

“There is no other means of freeing the poor and destitute classes of the country from poverty.

“To achieve responsible government, however, we will have to make immense sacrifices.

“Islam has always demanded action alongside words. “Therefore, all active forces should be brought together under the flag of the Conference, and an effort should be made to turn words into action.”

Disagreement With The National Conference Leadership

Whenever Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan believed that his comrades had abandoned the path of sacrifice and adopted one of compromise or accommodation, he criticised even his own fellow travellers sharply.

In 1999 Bikrami (1943), he and several of his comrades resigned from the Working Committee of the National Conference.

The newspaper Sach, Mirpur, carried the news prominently on 16 Sawan 1999 Bikrami, under the headline:

“STATEMENT OF THE MEMBERS WHO RESIGNED FROM THE WORKING COMMITTEE”

Their statement read

“The reason for our resignations is two resolutions of the Working Committee, passed in our absence around the middle of May.

“The first resolution concerns approval of the nomination of members to replace those who had resigned from the Assembly.

“The second declares the present war to be the people’s war.

“The oppressive and authoritarian conduct of the Government has created such deep resentment within us that we believe cooperation with the Government—before reaching our destination or without securing an honourable settlement—would amount to weakening the nation’s power of resistance. “There were two courses open to us.

“Either we could quietly place our signatures beneath the decisions of our colleagues, or we could resign from the Working Committee and, by remaining in opposition, openly express our convictions.

“The honour and dignity of the National Conference compelled us to choose the latter course.

“We therefore openly criticised both resolutions at the meeting of the General Council.

“However, the majority of the General Council approved both resolutions in their original form.”

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His Contemporaries

A consideration of this resignation makes it quite clear that Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was not one of those who would close their eyes and ears and accept every decision without question.

After this disagreement arose, his illness prevented him from having the opportunity to bring others around to his position. Had he lived longer, then, considering the integrity and clarity of his character, it can confidently be said that by 1947 his path would have been entirely different from that of Sheikh Abdullah.

In 1947, a leader such as Gandhi, according to this account, laid a political trap in Kashmir to bring Maharaja Hari Singh over to his side. While publicly speaking against autocratic rule, he reached an understanding with Maharaja Hari Singh, secured the removal of Ram Chandra Kak, and had a prejudiced person such as Mehr Chand Mahajan installed as Prime Minister. No person of conscience, the author argues, could support such conduct.

Sheikh Abdullah’s release through the back door and his subsequent permission for Indian troops to enter Kashmir, the text argues, was certainly not the path to freedom.

In the later period, Sheikh Abdullah reached an accommodation with India, returned to the seat of power and, according to the author, began laying the foundations of a personalised system of rule in Kashmir. This conduct disappointed and alienated even many of his strongest supporters.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan always used to say

“A leader whose family can find enough money in his house even to pay for his burial shroud is not a true leader.”

Yet, the author contrasts this ideal with Sheikh Abdullah, stating that Sheikh Sahib’s property eventually amounted to several crores.

In these circumstances, the author concludes, Raja Akbar’s path would have been entirely different.

Raja Akbar’s path was one of freedom, equality and self-sacrifice.

Providence took him from this mortal world in 1946 and thus spared him from witnessing the painful scenes of greed and self-interest that followed 1947.

Yet the impressions left by his sincerity, sacrifice, fearlessness and love of freedom remain engraved upon people’s minds to this day.

The Fearless Freedom Fighter Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan Mirpuri’S Tour Of Poonch

An unprecedented session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was held at Baramulla, Kashmir, with Mian Ahmad Yar Khan presiding.

Party members and platoons of Conference volunteers came from every corner of the State to participate in this remarkable gathering.

At the conclusion of the session, Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan Karelvi, M.L., invited the respected Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan and his close companion Maulana Muhammad Abdullah Siakhvi to return by way of Poonch.

They accepted the invitation.

From Baramulla, travelling through Uri towards Poonch, they completed a 38-mile mountainous journey on foot.

On reaching Poonch, they stayed at the residence of Khan Faqir Ahmad Khan, Jagirdar.

The following day, notices of a public meeting were circulated throughout the city and the surrounding villages.

As soon as the suffering rural population heard about the meeting, they began arriving in their traditional manner, travelling in groups to the grounds of Sarai Poonch, where the meeting was to be held.

The national leaders were introduced to the people. Proceedings then began with recitation from the Holy Qur’an under the chairmanship of Khawaja Ghulam Ahmad Butt, President of the City Muslim Conference.

Pir Kabir Din Sahib acted as stage secretary.

Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan, the writer of this account, first introduced the distinguished guests and then described the hardships facing the people.

The Grievances of the People of Poonch

He explained that employees of the Raja of Poonch, particularly those connected with his estate, were recording the people’s shamilat deh—village common lands—as the private property of the Raja of Poonch.

This was causing the people serious losses.

The door to legal redress had effectively been closed.

The people of Poonch were poor and generally possessed only small pieces of land. In all four tehsils of Poonch, particularly around Poonch town and Mendhar, the Raja had reserved forests as hunting grounds and places for wild boar, leaving little land available to the suffering peasantry.

Many people therefore had to travel to Punjab to work as labourers simply to survive and to pay their land revenue. Educational and medical facilities were unavailable.

There were also no bridges over dangerous streams and rivers, with the result that, according to the account, hundreds of lives were lost every year.

These and other grievances were placed before the meeting. Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan Addresses Poonch

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was then invited to speak.

He came onto the stage amid applause and slogans.

He began by stressing the importance of party organisation and unity.

After thanking the people for their welcome, he said

“I am not someone from far away. I am the President of Mirpur District and a worker of the organisation.

“Your elected representatives are representing you properly.

“If this sincerity and spirit remain alive among you, the day is not far away when you will achieve success.”

He then delivered a powerful, thunderous speech.

He declared that the Raja of Poonch and his Government must become conscious of the suffering of God’s people:

“A ruler who neglects the suffering of the people will eventually be swept away like straw and rubbish.” People’s lands, he said, were being forcibly taken from them. The right of appeal had been closed because the Raja of Poonch had retained the powers of the High Court in his own hands.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan described this as

“Nothing less than the murder of justice.”

There were virtually no educational or medical facilities.

In some places, dispensaries existed only in name and possessed no medicines.

Lives were being lost.

There were no bridges over the rivers, causing loss of both life and property.

The legitimate demands of the people were being rejected, while no action was taken against those who exploited and plundered them.

The ruler himself, meanwhile, faced no meaningful restraints. Raja Sahib warned that such brutality would ultimately bring harmful consequences for those responsible.

He concluded his forceful speech with Iqbal’s famous couplet

If a field cannot provide the cultivator with his livelihood, Burn every ear of wheat growing in that field.

Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi’s Warning

Maulana Muhammad Abdullah Siakhvi then delivered a lengthy speech.

He warned the Government that if the grievances of the people were not addressed

“We will establish ourselves among these suffering people and organise a programme of struggle to secure their legitimate demands.”

He also condemned the Government for attempting to prevent people from attending the meeting and for spreading false rumours.

The chairman concluded by stressing the importance of organisation and thanked the distinguished visitors warmly. The guests then returned to their residence in the form of a procession.

The Isha prayer was led by Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi at Jamia Bagialal (Kaghar), where he also delivered a religious address from which local dignitaries and members of the public benefited.

The Meeting At Mendhar

The following day, the distinguished guests left Poonch accompanied by Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan, Member of the Assembly, and travelled to Mendhar.

They stayed overnight with Munshi Fateh Muhammad, petition writer, and Muhammad Afzal Khan Mujahid.

News of the planned meeting had already reached the local activists before their arrival.

Information had been circulated throughout the area and arrangements had been completed.

The following day, a public meeting was held in an open field. People began arriving from every direction in organised groups, with the air resounding with recitations of the Kalima and political slogans.

Eventually, thousands gathered.

The distinguished guests and their popular leader, Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan, M.L.A., were given a magnificent welcome and escorted to the meeting ground.

The meeting began with recitation from the Holy Qur’an under the chairmanship of Al-Haj Sakhi Wilayat Sahib Bazzaz. Muhammad Afzal Khan Mujahid served as stage secretary. Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan came onto the stage amid slogans.

Introducing the visitors, he said

“The respected freedom fighter Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan and Maulana Muhammad Abdullah Siakhvi need no introduction. Their services are well known and highly valued.

“At my request, these fighters have come here to assist their brothers and to help address their growing hardships.”

The people expressed their appreciation.

The Problems of Mendhar

Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan then discussed the needs and demands of the people.

There was no proper road connection from Sehra to the tehsil headquarters, nor had the necessary bridges been constructed. Even at the tehsil headquarters, road facilities were almost non-existent.

During the spring, residents took their livestock towards the mountain grazing areas on the Kashmir border.

Their animals were counted when they went out. On their return, if an animal had died, the owner was nevertheless required to pay a penalty or tax in relation to it.

At the intermediate customs posts, the people were subjected to heavy fines and charges.

The existence of these customs posts between Kashmir and Poonch was described as a serious injustice.

Other public needs were also discussed.

Raja Akbar’s Speech at Mendhar

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan then came onto the stage amid resounding slogans.

He said

“I have come here with my companion, Maulana Sahib, at the request of my brother and fellow fighter Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan.

“I genuinely wanted to see and understand your difficulties for myself.

“It pains me to discover that you are suffering from so many different hardships.

“Your beloved leader, Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan, is completely devoted to the task of removing those difficulties.

“If you maintain your unity and strengthen your solidarity with one another, the time is not far away when you will succeed in achieving your objectives.”

He demanded the early construction of the link road from Sehra Lachhial, the provision of proper educational facilities at the tehsil headquarters, and the removal of the intermediate customs posts.

He also demanded that the protected hunting grounds in Mendhar tehsil, which the Government had reserved for wild boar, should be released and distributed among the people so that poor families could cultivate grain and support themselves.

He warned

“If the Government does not pay attention to these matters, the people will rise to secure their legitimate demands, and responsibility for the consequences will rest with the Government.”

Maulana Siakhvi then addressed the gathering in his powerful voice and urged the people to strengthen their unity and organisation:

“It is through unity and solidarity that demands are won and struggles are victorious.”

He thanked the people and said that the visitors had been deeply impressed by their unity and organisation.

The chairman thanked the distinguished guests, and the meeting ended peacefully with prayers.

That night the guests stayed with Sardar Fateh Alam Khan, Rais of Gohlat.

Tour Of Thakiala

The following day, arrangements had been made for another meeting at the central place of Pargana Thakiala Parawa, at the shrine of Sain Kamla Badshah Naushahi, Mohra Sharif.

Local people had made the necessary preparations at the shrine.

The distinguished visitors, together with Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan and other local dignitaries, set out on horseback towards Thakiala.

They were given a splendid reception by Sardar Muhammad Shabar Khan, Rais of Dharoti; Maulana Maulvi Saif Ali Sahib; Sakhi Wilayat Khan, and other local notables.

The sky resounded with slogans.

As soon as the visitors entered the grounds of the shrine, its custodians and local dignitaries welcomed them amid further slogans.

Fatiha was offered at the shrine.

After the meal, the meeting began under the chairmanship of Maulvi Saif Ali Khan of Dharoti.

The Holy Qur’an was recited by Maulvi Khushhal Khan, Muhammad Khan Sahib and Qari Jandrot.

Maulana Siakhvi was so impressed by the recitation that he embraced the Maulvi and praised him.

The Political and Economic Position of Thakiala

What kind of law is this whose reach catches, without distinction, the deaf, the mute, the elderly, the under-age and the innocent?

Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan, M.L.A., spoke first.

He explained the population and constitutional position of the Thakiala region, demanded the removal of the customs posts surrounding it, and described the difficulties facing its people. In reality, he explained, this territory formed part of Mirpur District, but was administered under Poonch on a lease or tenancy arrangement.

One quarter of the land revenue collected from the area was deposited in the State Treasury at Jammu.

The customs and traditions of its inhabitants were connected with the Mirpur region.

The revenue records recognised only nominal ownership rights, while the buying and selling of land required the approval of the Raja of Poonch.

Customs posts had been established on all four sides of the region—east, north, south and west.

Resistance to the Customs Tax

Under the leadership of Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan Karelvi, the people of the region rebelled against what they regarded as this unjust taxation.

The Raja of Poonch treated their action as rebellion and civil disobedience and called in the State Army.

According to the account, the military and civil authorities responded with violence and brutality.

Prominent local people were arrested and taken to Poonch. Among those specifically named were Sardar Feroz Khan and Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan; the name of another Sardar is missing from the source itself.

Those taken to Poonch were sentenced to ten years’ rigorous imprisonment.

Fateh Muhammad Khan and his uncle, Sardar Nawazish Ali Khan, were declared proclaimed offenders, and a reward stated in the text as five thousand was offered for their arrest. The Government, however, failed to arrest Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan.

Other needs and grievances of the local population were also placed before the meeting.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan at Thakiala

The fearless Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan then came onto the stage amid slogans.

After recitation, he declared in his powerful voice

“This region is part of Mirpur District. Its people should therefore enjoy the same rights and facilities as the people of Mirpur.

“There can be no justification for imposing oppressive taxes upon lands held under a lease arrangement.

“It is a matter of great satisfaction that my brother, the freedom fighter Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan, succeeded in removing the heavy burden of these customs posts from the people of this region.

“He did so after kicking aside his government employment, and he endured the imprisonment and suffering inflicted upon his elderly father and his own maternal grandfather.

“I salute my brother Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan for this sacrifice.

“The inhabitants of this region must be granted full ownership rights.

“God willing, proper attention will be given to this matter. “I shall regard it as my duty to struggle firmly for the rights of these brothers of my own district.”

Contemporaries

Maulana Siakhvi then praised the organisation and hospitality of the people of the area and congratulated Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan for representing them properly.

He demanded that the Government address all the grievances of the people without delay, warning

“If all the grievances of the people of this area are not remedied as soon as possible, we shall come and establish ourselves here among them and become a source of difficulty for the Government. The entire responsibility for that will rest with the Government.”

The chairman thanked the people and the distinguished guests, praised the services of their elected member of the Assembly, and urged the people to maintain unity among themselves. He then declared the meeting closed.

The distinguished guests travelled from the shrine at Mohra Sharif to the home of Fateh Muhammad Khan, arriving in the evening and staying there overnight.

They congratulated Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan’s elderly father for the sacrifices he had made and for enduring the hardships of imprisonment.

The following day, riding animals were provided for the much-loved guests and they departed for Khoiratta.

Raja Sahib left many memories behind during this long tour. Today our fearless freedom fighter is no longer among us, but his deeds remain worthy of emulation.

May God grant him forgiveness and mercy in his eternal rest. Written by:

Fateh Muhammad Khan Karelvi

Former M.L.A. and State Councillor

A. R. Sagar Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

My first meeting with the late Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan took place in Mirpur at the home of the late Haji Wahabuddin. At that time, I had gone to Mirpur to work with the Ahrar in launching a movement in Kashmir.

As far as I remember, Raja Sahib was wearing a black Turkish-style lungi wrapped around his kulla [cap].

During our conversation he said

“I want to leave my job and join the movement.”

I told him

“We are struggling to bring Muslims into government employment, while you want to leave your job.”

But he would not be persuaded.

He said

“Government employment does not suit my temperament.”

Soon afterwards, he resigned from his position in the Co-operative Department and joined us.

Later, I worked alongside him in the Muslim Conference for several years.

Among all the personalities in the Muslim Conference, the late Raja Akbar was one of those I admired most.

I had also seen his literary side. Only one sentence from his writings remains in my memory

“We eat whatever plain and simple food is available, and we wear coarse and ordinary clothes.”

His simplicity impressed me greatly.

He was also extremely straightforward and outspoken.

“His Words Were Harsh”

His speeches possessed tremendous fluency. Because of their flow, courage and fearlessness, they made a powerful impression.

At the meeting held before the formation of the National Conference, I moved, as usual, the resolution demanding responsible government.

Raja Sahib supported it.

Speeches were then delivered.

All the speeches were subsequently sent to the Government.

Lala Haveli Ram, the judge, remarked

“Sagar’s ideas are extreme, but Raja Akbar’s words are severe.”

Raja Akbar was prosecuted for this speech under Section 124-A and sentenced to two years’ imprisonment.

After the National Conference was formed, Sheikh Abdullah had an appeal filed on Raja Sahib’s behalf.

The appeal was dismissed.

On that occasion, I composed the following impromptu verse

Akbar, the fighter of Mirpur, used to speak with conviction; Today even his appeal has been rejected—

And his case was weakened by pleading.

Yusuf Saraf Sahib reproduced this verse in his book, but did not explain its background.

I had written it spontaneously.

The responsibility for filing that appeal did not, in fact, rest upon Raja Akbar Sahib. It rested with the National Conference. “He Came Carrying Other People’s Problems” Occasionally, Raja Sahib and I also had disagreements and exchanges of criticism.

Once I wrote an article entitled Raja Bhatt in which I placed particular emphasis on his simplicity.

But despite these disagreements and differences of opinion, whenever he came from Mirpur he would visit me and stay with me.

He always came carrying the problems of many other people. He worked extremely hard to help anyone who approached him.

He was a man with deep compassion for human suffering.

Three men have particularly impressed me

Raja Muhammad Akbar, Qazi Khurshid Alam and Nazir Hussain Shah.

The quality common to all three was that they worked for other people with extraordinary humility and devotion.

There was nothing artificial or affected about them.

A. R. Sagar

Memories Of Comrade Muhammad Shafi, Raja Akbar And Sardar Budh Singh

I entered Akbar Islamia High School, Jammu, in 1941.

The school boarding house was situated on Residency Road. It consisted of only three rooms but had a very spacious courtyard.

Meetings of the Muslim Conference were held in this courtyard. Educational conferences and mushairas—poetry gatherings—were also organised there.

A boundary wall surrounded the courtyard, and its entrance opened directly onto the road. Members of the public regularly came into the grounds.

Comrade Muhammad Shafi, who came from Baghsar in Bhimber tehsil, was a frequent visitor.

He had personal relationships with the students living in the boarding house and would sometimes stay among them for a while before leaving again.

In winter he generally wore a somewhat reddish waistcoat, Pathani sandals, and a shalwar and kameez made of khaddar. On his head he wore a round cap with a light-blue khaddar lungi wrapped around it.

He spoke passionately and never missed an opportunity to campaign against British rule.

He had great sympathy for Muslim students generally, and particularly for poor Muslim students.

He treated me with great affection as well.

He frequently praised a book entitled Zindagi (Life) by Afzal Haq and encouraged people to read it.

He told us about a Hindu woman who wanted to read the book but could not do so because she did not know Urdu. She therefore began learning Urdu from Comrade Muhammad Shafi.

Comrade Muhammad Shafi had very close links with the National Conference and Sheikh Abdullah.

His way of life was extremely simple.

A friend once told me that his room contained nothing more than

a charpoy, some bedding, a water pitcher and an earthen cup. Comrade Muhammad Shafi’s Fearlessness

Comrade Muhammad Shafi was afraid of no official.

When trying to resolve people’s problems, he would not hesitate to confront even the most powerful officer.

When he was at college, students called him “Madar-ul- Maham”—the man who concerned himself with everything—because he took an interest in every matter affecting the college.

I heard many of his speeches.

He spoke in Urdu with enormous passion and from the depths of his heart.

Nor did he restrict himself to formal political meetings.

In the evenings, he would sometimes light a gas lamp, carry it from his home and place it somewhere in a public space. A crowd would gather around it and he would begin speaking. He would then have the lamp moved somewhere else, gather another crowd and make another speech.

Six Months in Prison for a Speech

On one occasion, he made a speech against Khan Bahadur Raja Afzal Khan, who was then Home Minister of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

He related an incident in which Raja Afzal Khan had gone hunting and released his falcon after some prey.

The falcon entered the home of an elderly woman.

Not knowing whose bird it was, the woman struck it with a stick and broke one of its wings.

According to the account related by Muhammad Shafi, the police were then used to punish and mistreat members of the old woman’s household.

Comrade Shafi repeated this story in speeches throughout different parts of Jammu city.

For these speeches, he was sentenced to six months in prison. Comrade Sahib was a practising Muslim, regular in prayer and deeply sympathetic towards Muslims.

Politically, however, he had no connection with either the Muslim Conference or the Muslim League.

Yet I never heard him utter a word against any Muslim leader or organisation.

After 1941–42, I lost contact with him.

At that time his educational qualification was Munshi Fazil, and he was interested in sitting the B.A. examination.

I later learned that he had completed his B.A.

A Memory Of Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’S Speech

During my school days, I was very interested in attending political meetings.

I therefore attended meetings of both the National Conference and the Congress, which were generally held in the grounds of the Ranbir Library.

At these meetings I often had the opportunity to hear Sardar Budh Singh.

At one such gathering, I also heard Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan speak.

He had wrapped a black loi around his body.

His speech was intensely passionate.

When his emotions rose, he would throw off the loi. His voice would eventually become so strained with emotion that it would fail him, making it impossible for him to continue speaking.

In the particular speech I remember, Raja Sahib spoke movingly about the helplessness and poverty of the people living in the mountainous regions.

He explained that some were so poor that they could not even afford oil to light a lamp.

Instead, they burned pieces of pine wood to illuminate their homes, and the smoke was so heavy that it blackened and disfigured their faces.

When Raja Sahib came forward to speak, the people sitting around me were full of praise for him.

They spoke repeatedly of his honesty and sincerity.

Raja Sahib was extraordinarily popular, and people held him in deep affection and respect.

Memories Of Sardar Budh Singh

I had many opportunities to see and hear Sardar Budh Singh. He was a very short man.

He wore a khaddar shirt and tehband, and his turban was also made from khaddar.

He carried a thick walking stick.

His speeches were passionate.

He had become a renunciate, and had built himself a small hut in the mountains in which to live.

The recurring theme of his speeches was that

“The Kashmiris are slaves of slaves.”

His son was one year senior to me at Prince of Wales College, Jammu, but Sardar Sahib would not even meet his son because he had adopted a life of renunciation.

Sardar Budh Singh was a retired Deputy Commissioner and had been educated to B.A. level.

The people of Jammu regarded him with extraordinary respect and affection.

Chaudhry Muhammad Sharif, Advocate

Bhimber, Azad Kashmir

Sardar Gohar Rahman Remembers Raja Akbar

Raja Muhammad Akbar was an extremely sincere, patient, grateful and simple man.

He was, in the fullest sense, a practising Muslim.

I spent approximately one year with him in Kathua Jail.

Even in prison he never held himself back from showing affection and serving others.

He would bring water for all of us so that we could wash and bathe, and he constantly offered encouragement and comfort. My wife lived in Mirpur for three years, and during those years I had an opportunity to observe the condition of Muslims there. Many Muslim girls worked in Hindu households, and Muslim boys were also employed by them.

I tried to awaken a sense of dignity among Muslims and urged them to stop sending their daughters to work in Hindu households.

Raja Akbar Sahib gave me enormous support in this effort. Raja Akbar was like a rock.

He was a man capable of remaining cheerful even in the most adverse circumstances.

This quality became particularly clear to me during our time in prison, and it left a very deep impression upon me.

Sardar Gohar Rahman

Abdullah Khan Bhalli Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Raja Muhammad Akbar was initially a Sub-Inspector in the Co-operative Department.

He later resigned from government service and, together with Maulvi Muhammad Abdullah Siakhvi, joined the Muslim Conference.

At first he became a district leader and was later appointed provincial president.

He was an extraordinarily sincere and compassionate man. During political agitations he was sentenced to imprisonment for periods of two and three years at a time.

In a sedition case heard before the Chief Judge, the Superintendent of Police, while giving evidence, described Raja Muhammad Akbar as an exceptionally sincere man.

This greatly pleased Haveli Ram, the Chief Judge. Nevertheless, the judge gave him no reduction in his sentence. I personally held Raja Sahib in very high regard, and we enjoyed very good relations.

Raja Sahib was deeply devoted to Maulana Ahmad Ali of Sheranwala Gate, Lahore, and constantly read the pamphlets and publications issued by him.

In Mirpur District generally, Raja Muhammad Akbar was one of the principal driving forces behind political awakening.

He participated in political mobilisation with great courage and boldness.

He occupied a distinctive position within the Muslim Conference.

Sheikh Abdullah valued him, and Abbas also held him in high regard.

Abdullah Khan Bhalli

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His Contemporaries

He had a sturdy build, wore a khaddar shirt and tehband—and occasionally khaddar pyjamas—had a wheat-coloured complexion, a strong physique, and usually went bareheaded. This was Raja Muhammad Akbar of Abdullahpur Chamahal, Mirpur.

When Raja Sahib entered young adulthood, he enlisted in the army of British India and, during the war, was sent to Iraq. There, when he saw Muslims being made to fire upon other Muslims, he became deeply disillusioned with military service. Somehow, he secured his discharge and returned to Mirpur. He then obtained a position as Head Inspector in the Co-operative Department.

He had been in this employment only a short time when Muslims in Jammu, under the leadership of the Young Men’s Muslim Association, began a struggle for their rights. Around the same period, unarmed Muslims were fired upon in Srinagar.

Raja Sahib was deeply affected by these events and resigned from his employment in protest against these injustices.

In his lengthy letter of resignation, he described what he regarded as the Government’s oppression and wrote:

“I do not wish to remain in the service of such an oppressive Government even for a single moment.”

Raja Sahib then joined Haji Wahabuddin in launching a movement against the Dogra Government through public meetings and processions.

When the first session of the Muslim Conference was held at Pathar Masjid in Srinagar in 1932, Raja Muhammad Akbar attended at the head of the Mirpur contingent.

Through his passionate speeches and substantial contributions to political discussions, he established himself among the front-ranking leaders of the movement.

Muslim Conference and the Demand for Responsible Government

As long as Raja Sahib remained alive, he continued to serve on the Working Committee of the Muslim Conference.

When he later joined the National Conference, he was likewise repeatedly elected to its Working Committee and remained associated with it until his death.

In 1934, the Working Committee of the Muslim Conference met in Sialkot and rejected the constitutional recommendations of the Glancy Commission, demanding instead the establishment of responsible government.

The Muslim Conference Working Committee was dissolved at Sialkot and replaced by a Majlis-e-Amal (Action Committee). Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas was appointed the first dictator of the War Council.

At this point, Raja Sahib travelled throughout Mirpur, delivering such passionate speeches that, in the writer’s words, “he set the whole district on fire.”

When Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas and the writer of this recollection were arrested simultaneously under Section 108, Ghulam Abbas was sent to Reasi Jail and the writer to Kathua Jail.

The late Raja Muhammad Akbar, Sardar Gohar Rahman and the late Maulvi Muhammad Hussain were also transferred to Kathua Jail.

“I HAD THE OPPORTUNITY TO STUDY HIS CHARACTER CLOSELY”

There, I had an extensive opportunity to study Raja Sahib’s character because we had to spend twenty-four hours a day in the same room.

During those three months, I came to the conclusion that, although Raja Sahib’s formal education extended only to middle-school level, he possessed a remarkably deep understanding of international politics.

Although he supported a socialist system, he observed fasting and prayer like a devout Muslim.

He possessed an absolute conviction that the code of life presented by Islam offered the path through which humanity could find salvation.

He was a great admirer of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and used to say

“Whatever I have learned is the result of reading Al-Hilal and Al-Balagh.”

The 1941 Sedition Case

In 1941, Raja Sahib was arrested for making what the authorities regarded as a seditious speech.

Under Section 124-A, Sessions Judge Lala Haveli Ram sentenced him to two years’ rigorous imprisonment.

At the same time, the judge granted him A-class prisoner status.

In recommending A-class treatment, Haveli Ram observed in substance

“Although Raja Sahib’s social status is not sufficiently high in itself to qualify him for A-class treatment, he is one of the most popular leaders of the people and has committed no offence involving moral wrongdoing. I therefore see no reason why he should not be granted A-class status.”

Several lawyers offered their services to defend Raja Sahib in the case.

He politely declined them all.

Instead, he adopted a policy of complete non-cooperation with the court.

He made only a brief statement

“Whatever I said in my speech, I shall say at any time, because, as a national worker, it is my first duty to describe events and conditions as they actually are.”

Explaining why he would not cooperate with the court, he said

“Lala Haveli Ram is personally a thoroughly decent man. But he belongs to the bureaucracy, and therefore I must necessarily be punished. I do not wish to waste the court’s valuable time.” Sach and His Final Illness

When Raja Sahib completed his sentence and was released from prison, political circumstances had changed.

Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas and his Jammu colleagues had separated from the National Conference.

Raja Muhammad Akbar, however, remained associated with the National Conference.

Together with Master Roshan Lal, he began publishing a weekly newspaper, Sach.

The writer adds parenthetically that Master Roshan Lal was still publishing Sach from Jammu at the time this recollection was written, in memory of Raja Sahib.

During this period, Raja Sahib suffered a severe attack of diabetes.

He neglected his treatment, and his intestines also became seriously affected. He was eventually admitted to Mirpur Hospital.

After a prolonged illness, he departed from this world.

The writer states

“The vacuum created in the leadership of Mirpur by Raja Sahib’s death has never been filled.”

Raja Sahib was a man of extreme simplicity.

I had a deep personal attachment to him.

He was a friend of the poor and a profoundly loyal friend to his friends.

He was particularly close to Master Roshan Lal, Haji Wahabuddin, the late Chaudhry Karam Dad and Raja Farman Ali.

Every week he would come to Jammu carrying a bundle of requests and cases on behalf of other people.

I would then have to deal with them because Raja Sahib himself did not like making recommendations or asking favours from officials. Instead, he would make me the instrument through which these matters were pursued.

“HE NEVER ASKED ME FOR ANYTHING FOR HIMSELF” Throughout his life, Raja Sahib never asked me to do a single personal favour for him.

There was only one related incident.

One day, Raja Shahnawaz, who later retired as a Revenue Officer of the Azad Kashmir Government, told me that Raja Sahib’s wife had established a school for girls in their village. She was providing the village girls with both religious and general education.

He said that it would be extremely helpful if this school could receive a government grant.

He handed me an application from Begum Raja Sahib, but specifically warned me

“Raja Sahib must not find out about this.”

I passed the application to the late Malik Fazl-e-Haq, Inspector of Schools.

At his first opportunity, Malik Sahib approved a grant of fifteen rupees per month for the school.

When Raja Sahib discovered what had happened, he became displeased.

I calmed him by saying

“Your conscience is clear. This is not a personal matter for your own benefit.”

Raja Sahib left behind only one son.

During a recent visit to Mirpur, I was extremely pleased to learn that his son, Khalid, had completed his B.A. and was working as a Senior Teacher at Jatlan Middle School. Whenever I remember Raja Sahib, a pang rises in my heart.

I find myself thinking how selflessly he would have continued serving the people had he been alive today.

May God forgive him—what an extraordinary free spirit he was.

Abdul Majid Qureshi

Sadruddin Mujahid Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was among the founders of the Kashmir freedom movement.

He belonged to Mirpur and had also served in the army.

When he became conscious that his country was living under oppression, he was deeply affected.

During the early period of the Muslim Conference, he met the leader referred to here as Quaid-e-Azam Sher-e-Kashmir and offered his services to the movement.

It was Raja Sahib who organised the brave young men of Mirpur in connection with the freedom struggle.

He was an outstanding public speaker.

There was something almost magical about the effect of his speeches.

During his addresses he frequently recited poetry by Allama Iqbal, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan and the late Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar.

People who heard him often said that when he spoke, his voice thundered as though it were breathing fire.

Maintaining discipline at meetings and processions came naturally to him.

Many of his speeches, according to this recollection, sent tremors through the halls of autocratic government.

Walking from Mirpur to Srinagar

Raja Sahib often travelled from Mirpur on foot, by way of Shopian, to Srinagar in order to participate in political meetings.

He wore plain khaddar clothing and traditional Mirpuri shoes, and ate very simple food.

He commanded respect in the hearts of both friends and opponents.

Friends and opponents alike were impressed by his moral authority.

Whenever he was present at a gathering, a certain seriousness descended upon it.

Everyone acknowledged the strength of his personality.

At times, however, he could also be humorous.

He was repeatedly sentenced to imprisonment and fined, but his steadfastness never weakened.

Raja Sahib came from a prominent family, but he turned away from his lands, family connections and social relationships and devoted himself to serving his country, adopting a simple way of life.

He was prosecuted and punished several times on charges of rebellion.

The writer states that the sacrifices Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan made during his lifetime for the achievement of the right of self-determination command profound respect.

He was regarded as one of the leading political figures of his time.

“A RULER SHOULD RULE SO THAT HIS PEOPLE LIVE IN HAPPINESS”

I personally remember an annual session of the Muslim Conference in Jammu.

Thousands of people were present.

Speaking in support of a political resolution, Raja Sahib declared

“Let the Raja rule—but let his subjects live in happiness. “A Raja whose rule does not possess this quality should leave his throne and go. Otherwise, earthquakes will shake his palaces.”

For this fearless expression of his views, Raja Sahib was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment.

In 1946, after a relatively brief illness in Mirpur, this leader departed from us forever.

Even as he was dying, he told his friends

“I was unable to stand beside my leader of Kashmir in the struggle for freedom.”

His only son, Raja Khalid Khan, was at the time of this recollection working as a teacher in Azad Kashmir.

May God forgive him; the departed man possessed many virtues.

Although Raja Sahib has left us, his memory will always remain alive in our hearts, and the historian will record his achievements in letters of gold.

Sadruddin Mujahid

Chaudhry Niaz Ahmad Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

I met Raja Muhammad Akbar several times.

I was serving in Mirpur as a Sub-Judge.

My court frequently issued warrants for the attachment of property.

The moneylenders of Mirpur obtained decrees against poor cultivators and then employed harsh methods to recover the amounts awarded under those decrees.

Even possessions belonging to poor cultivators that were legally exempt from attachment were sometimes seized.

Raja Sahib was constantly thinking of ways to protect poor cultivators from these abuses by moneylenders.

He was a sincere man and never hesitated to make any sacrifice for the poor.

He was not afraid to go to prison for the people.

He also brought their other difficulties to the attention of the authorities and continually tried to secure remedies for them. At public meetings, he openly encouraged people to seek redress for their rights.

He performed notable work in attempting to free poor people from the grip of mahajans and moneylenders.

He never regarded imprisonment as a misfortune.

At the same time, he avoided any improper or unlawful action undertaken for his own personal benefit.

He was content to wear simple clothes and eat simple food. He never caused hardship to another person merely for his own comfort.

He criticised the Government of the day with great courage. The Judge Who Sentenced Him

On one occasion, Raja Sahib was prosecuted for the offence of spreading hatred against the Government.

I myself, acting as Sessions Judge of Mirpur, sentenced him to three years’ imprisonment.

Special powers had been conferred upon me to hear Raja Sahib’s case as Sessions Judge.

Raja Sahib presented no defence.

Nor did he appoint a lawyer to represent him.

The High Court subsequently reduced his sentence from three years to one year.

Chaudhry Niaz Ahmad

Mir Maqbool Shah Gilani Remembers Raja

Raja Muhammad Akbar Sahib Mirpuri was a sincere, honest and fearless leader.

I knew him personally.

His self-respect and patriotism were beyond question.

May Allah Almighty envelop him in His mercy. Ameen.

He had an intense devotion to Sher-e-Kashmir.

In 1946, while already ill, he came to Srinagar.

He was seriously unwell and was admitted to National Hospital, Srinagar.

The hospital staff took a great interest in his treatment. Sher-e-Kashmir and Raja Sahib’s other comrades were in prison.

I occasionally went to National Hospital to visit him.

Whenever he saw me, he would weep bitterly.

In his weak voice he would say

“This illness has ruined me.

“I weep because I ask myself: why am I not in the prison cell next to Sher-e-Kashmir’s cell?

“My health would recover there. What treatment can possibly cure me here?”

These were words he spoke from his deathbed.

When his illness became extremely severe, he was taken from Srinagar to Mirpur.

It was there that he died.

Mir Maqbool Shah Gilani

Raja Sahib was deeply observant in matters of religion. Even during illness, he did not miss the morning prayer.

As far as fasting was concerned, during many years of his life he must have observed far more than the thirty obligatory fasts of Ramadan. He neither smoked tobacco nor drank alcohol, nor did he have any similar habit. There were many months in a year when he managed to eat only once a day. Often, he would spend the entire day without eating or drinking anything. During Ramadan, however, he observed all the fasts every year. Many of these were extremely long fasts, lasting virtually the entire daylight period.

Fasting While Travelling

On one occasion Ramadan fell during the month of Jeth, at the height of the summer heat. During that month Raja Sahib boarded a bus from Mirpur to Jammu. The bus was to travel along the canal route through Sarai Alamgir.

At the Gatalian Customs Post, the bus was expected to remain stationary for three or four hours.

It was midday.

Raja Sahib told the driver

“I am going to Pindi Sabharwal. Pick me up when you pass that way.”

It was the middle of a hot Jeth afternoon when Raja Sahib came to see me at Pindi Sabharwal.

I was about to walk about a furlong from the village to fetch cold spring water when Raja Sahib said:

“You know that it is Ramadan, and I never miss a fast.”

I replied

“But a traveller is exempt from fasting.”

He answered

“The fast is not simply waived. It has to be made up afterwards. Instead of observing it later, I prefer to keep the fast while travelling.”

“SHOULD I SELL MY PEN AND MY HONOUR?”

The leading notable of Pindi Sabharwal, Shamri Narain Das Handa, also joined us.

As the conversation continued, Handa said

“Raja Sahib, I would like to give you some financial help.”

Raja Sahib replied

“Thank you for your kindness. But the only money I shall take from you is the ten rupees you owe for two years’ subscription to the newspaper Sach. I will take ten rupees from you and nothing more.”

When I later accompanied Raja Sahib back towards the canal, I said

“Raja Sahib, if you had accepted Narain Shah’s offer, he would certainly have given you one hundred and fifty or two hundred rupees.”

Raja Sahib replied

“Should I take one hundred and fifty or two hundred rupees from a capitalist and sell my pen and my honour? “What happens tomorrow if I have to write against some wrongdoing of his? That money would come before my eyes, and I might no longer be able to raise the voice of truth against him.”

His Admiration for Maulana Abul Kalam Azad

Raja Sahib was a great admirer of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. He frequently studied Azad’s commentary on the Qur’an.

On one occasion, when Maulana Azad came to Lahore, Raja Sahib travelled there to meet him.

Maulana Azad apparently expected that Raja Sahib would wish to discuss the politics of Kashmir.

Instead, Raja Sahib made only one request

“Please complete your commentary on the Holy Qur’an. Do not leave it unfinished. Its completion will be your greatest contribution and achievement.”

His Daughter’s Simple Wedding

Once, I happened to visit Raja Sahib’s home and discovered that his daughter was being married.

I was both astonished and delighted by the simplicity of the wedding ceremony, which seemed to me worthy of emulation. The wedding party was received in a single sitting room.

The nikah was performed and the guests were given something sweet.

The bride did not leave in a doli. She walked to her husband’s home.

When I asked Raja Sahib why there was no doli, he replied

“If the daughter of the Prophet ﷺ could walk, then are the daughters of those of us who belong to his Ummah so much more delicate that they must be carried upon other people’s shoulders in a doli?”

Raja Sahib also considered it contrary to Islamic propriety for a girl to be carried on the shoulders of unrelated men.

It should be mentioned that, just as he did not permit drums, music or an extravagant dowry, he did give his daughter the share of property to which, in his understanding, Islamic law entitled her.

Respect for Purdah

Whenever Raja Sahib visited my home, he greeted my mother respectfully as “Mata Ji.”

Whenever he sat at my shop in Pindi Sabharwal, he would ask that the second door—the one opening into the residential part of the house—be closed so that the women of the household would face no difficulty in observing purdah.

“I DECIDED AS A HUMAN BEING”

In the Dadyal area, a Kashmiri girl was abducted by some local Rajputs.

A case concerning the abduction was registered and warrants were issued.

Eventually, both sides agreed that

Whatever decision Raja Muhammad Akbar made would be accepted.

Raja Sahib heard both sides and ordered that the girl should be returned to her Kashmiri community.

A few days after this decision, the zaildar of Lehri Gadari village came to meet Raja Sahib.

During their conversation, the case of the Kashmiri girl was mentioned.

The zaildar asked

“Raja Sahib, did you decide the girl’s case as a Rajput, or as a Muslim?”

Raja Sahib replied fearlessly

“A girl is a girl. Whether she is Rajput, Kashmiri, Hindu, Bhangi, Muslim or Bhagat, everyone’s honour is equal.

“I therefore made this decision as a human being. “Everyone values their honour. A girl belongs with her own people, where her dignity is recognised. Elsewhere, she may not receive the same respect.

“Take the example of your own family. Your father married a woman from outside your biradari. Thank God no child was born from that marriage. Had there been a child, what standing would that child have enjoyed within your biradari?” The zaildar was deeply embarrassed by this reply and fell silent.

Master Roshan Lal

Ghazi Abdul Rahman Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was a man without equal. Since his death, the State of Jammu and Kashmir has not, in my view, produced another fearless, outspoken and courageous leader of his dervish-like character, nor do I expect to see another like him.

It was characteristic of his life that he found happiness in accepting hardship for the sake of others, while never wishing to cause hardship or inconvenience to anyone for his own sake. I witnessed this many times.

A petitioner would stand before him, explain his problem, and say

“I need to go to Jammu or Srinagar, but I have no money for the journey.”

Raja Sahib would reply

“Brother, I do not have the fare either. Come—let us both walk.”

He regarded it as his duty to walk for days to Srinagar or Jammu simply to obtain redress for someone who had approached him for help.

It is also my personal experience that the late Raja Sahib sometimes remained hungry for several days without telling anyone.

Hard Labour in Prison

During his imprisonment in a sedition case, the Government put him to work at the prison oil-press, yet he accepted this hardship as the will of God.

Even while he was still in government employment, Raja Sahib continually helped other people.

According to this recollection, the immediate reason for his decision to leave government service was a speech by Amir-e- Shariat Syed Ataullah Shah Bukhari.

Through Shah Sahib, he became associated with the All-India Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam, and Shah Sahib’s influence was strongly reflected in Raja Akbar’s own character.

Shah Sahib found happiness in offering hospitality to others but rarely gave anyone else the opportunity to entertain him. Raja Sahib was the same.

The writer reflects that this is a rare quality in human life

To find happiness in serving others while giving them little opportunity to serve you; to place yourself in hardship for others while never becoming a hardship to them—this is a gift from Allah, granted only to those whom He chooses to bless. Raja Akbar’s Illness in 1944

In 1944, Raja Sahib was ill.

According to the writer, his illness had become severe as a result of the mistreatment he had suffered in Kathua Jail.

Sher-e-Kashmir Sheikh Abdullah instructed me

“Take Raja Sahib to your home and arrange his treatment under your own supervision.”

After considerable effort, I brought him to my residence at Khoiratta.

I tried to ensure that he was given appropriate food suitable for his illness.

Yet the special food prepared for him would remain untouched.

Instead, he would quietly ask members of the household

“Give me some stale food or whatever leftovers there are —but do not let Ghazi Sahib know.”

At night I would prepare comfortable bedding for him.

But when I woke later, I would find him lying on a mat on the floor.

He would tell the girls of the household

“My daughters, do not tell Ghazi Sahib. I am not suited to this world. I want to leave it. What Sheikh and Ghazi are trying to do for me cannot succeed now.”

“RAJA SAHIB INSISTED THAT I RETURN TO MY HOMELAND”

Throughout my life, the State of Jammu and Kashmir had never proved an easy place for me.

When I first accepted Islam, I had been forced to migrate from the State.

During the 1931 Ahrar-e-Islam Kashmir movement, I was repeatedly arrested at the State border and expelled.

After enduring many bitter experiences and hardships, I had decided that I would never again return to the State.

Raja Sahib, however, insisted

“You must return to your homeland.”

All other efforts to persuade me had failed.

The late Raja Sahib succeeded.

He compelled me to return to the State with my children.

At that time, I was living in Jhelum.

After returning, my life of difficulties began once again, and Hindu opponents began intrigues against me.

Eventually the National Conference launched the Quit Kashmir Movement.

For my participation, the court of Pandit Qazi Gopi Nath at Kotli sentenced me to two years’ rigorous imprisonment. Because the main prison was in Jammu, I was taken there by way of Mirpur.

Their Last Meeting

When I reached Mirpur, I learned that Raja Muhammad Akbar Sahib was seriously ill in Mirpur Hospital.

I demanded that the Government allow me to meet him.

The authorities repeatedly refused, but eventually I succeeded. Still in handcuffs, I was taken to the hospital.

Raja Sahib’s condition was extremely serious.

When he saw me, he wept.

He said

“When I brought my daughter—your wife—back into the State, I promised her that I would never allow you people to fall into difficulty.

“But this is the will of Allah.

“You are going to prison for two years, and I am going to meet my Creator.

“What will that daughter of mine, to whom I made this promise, now say about the kind of people we are?”**

I was then taken back to the judicial lock-up.

The following morning, preparations were made to send me to Jammu Jail.

After I had left, I learned in prison that Raja Sahib had departed from this transient world for the eternal one. Ghazi Abdul Rahman

SOME MEMORIES

When the Muslim Conference came into existence and people began to recognise the suffocating restrictions and despotism of Dogra rule, a small group of freedom-minded leaders took the initiative in awakening the dormant political consciousness of the people.

Among them were

Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas, Raja Muhammad Akbar Mirpuri, A. R. Sagar, Tyag Murti Sardar Budh Singh, and several others.

Raja Muhammad Akbar, Haji Wahabuddin and Maulana Muhammad Abdullah Siakhvi came on a political tour of Rajouri.

I had only recently completed my incomplete education when family responsibilities and the need to earn a living overtook me.

Education and political training among Muslims were almost non-existent, while the business of the moneylenders and traders was flourishing.

The writer recalls Ghalib

What wisdom did we possess, in what skill were we unique? Without cause, O Ghalib, the heavens became our enemy.

In 1935, at the insistence of local Muslims and the visiting political activists, I reluctantly entered the thorny valley of politics.

The Muslims of Rajouri had long been suffering under the impact of Dogra rule.

The leaders from Mirpur, as neighbours, began sharing the hardships and struggles of the people of Rajouri.

The Weekly Himmat

Together with Haji Wahabuddin, Raja Sahib began publishing the weekly newspaper Himmat from Mirpur.

At the top of the newspaper appeared a couplet whose sense was

Look upon the battlefield of life with courage and dignity; Endure wound after wound, but do not cry out in complaint. The Resignation That Was “OPEN REBELLION”

Malik Maqbool Ahmad, Registrar of Co-operative Societies, was an official in the department in which Raja Sahib was employed.

On one occasion, Raja Sahib sent him his resignation.

After reading it, Malik Sahib summoned him.

With great respect, he said

“Withdraw this resignation.

“First, Muslims hardly obtain government employment in the first place.

“Second, this resignation runs to twenty-four pages and amounts to open rebellion against Dogra rule.

“If I forward it to the higher authorities, a case of sedition will be registered against you.”

Raja Sahib nevertheless remained determined to resign.

In the end, Malik Sahib kept the resignation himself and released Raja Sahib from his employment.

The Road to the Muslim Conference Session in Jammu

The writer recalls that perhaps in 1938, the annual session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was held in Jammu.

Raja Sahib set out with a contingent of volunteers. Travelling through Bhimber, they reached Diwa Batala, where Thakur Kartar Singh prohibited them from passing through his jagir.

Raja Sahib and his companions simply sat down in protest. They remained there for several hours.

Eventually, Thakur Kartar Singh gave way, and Raja Sahib proceeded triumphantly towards Jammu.

“THE THREE STARS OF KASHMIR’S FREEDOM”

The Muslim Conference session was, in the writer’s recollection, an extraordinary success.

Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah was taken in an open car through the narrow bazaars of the city towards Mandi Mubarak.

There, Maulvi Muhammad Abdullah, Advocate, uncle of Mr K. H. Khurshid, raised the slogan

“The uncrowned king of Kashmir!”

The excited crowd responded

“Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah!”

At that moment Maharaja Hari Singh, Nawab Khusrau Jang and other officials were watching the scene from the palace.

According to the account, Nawab Khusrau Jang said

“Maharaja, if you permit me, I will have them arrested.”

Hari Singh, speaking angrily, replied

“No power in the world can stop them.”

Local Muslim Conference leaders had erected a number of decorative and welcoming arches along the city’s principal routes.

Between Urdu Bazaar and Gandum Mandi, one of the welcoming arches carried the words

“The Three Stars of Kashmir’s Freedom:

Sher-e-Kashmir Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, Rais-ul-Ahrar Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas,

and Mujahid-e-Millat Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan.” Although Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas was ill, he nevertheless made his way to the meeting ground with considerable difficulty.

Overwhelmed by the success of the procession and gathering, he came onto the stage and, after a few introductory words, remarked:

“The success of this gathering is so extraordinary that I fear it may attract the evil eye.”

The Four-Hour Speech and Sedition Trial

At this same session, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan delivered an exceptionally powerful and emotionally charged speech. According to the recollection, the speech lasted four hours and was one of the most important addresses of the entire session.

The writer says that it

“shook the doors and walls of the Dogra establishment.”

A sedition case was subsequently brought against Raja Sahib because of this speech.

During the proceedings, Thakur Baldev Singh Pathania, District Magistrate, summoned the Governor of Jammu Province as a witness.

In court, Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas, Advocate, subjected him to cross-examination for approximately four and a half hours, keeping him standing throughout.

According to the account, Mr Pathania was sweating heavily by the end and gave an assurance that in future he would not treat any lawyer disrespectfully in court.

Raja Sahib was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment, which he accepted with composure.

When he was eventually released, the echoes of the Kashmir movement were being heard throughout the State.

The Debate Over Transforming The Muslim Conference

At this same session, Maulana Muhammad Saeed Saudi introduced a resolution proposing that the Muslim Conference should be transformed into the National Conference. Kashmiri leaders spoke in support of the proposal and presented their arguments.

Those opposing an immediate decision included Maulana Muhammad Abdullah Siakhvi and other activists from Jammu, including A. R. Sagar.

They moved an adjournment motion and argued

“The delegates attending this meeting have come only from constituencies of the Muslim Conference. They therefore do not possess the authority to transform the organisation itself. “The proposal should consequently be postponed until the next annual session.”

After Sheikh Muhammad Amin, Rais of Jammu, supported this position, the mover withdrew the resolution.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His Contemporaries

Raja Sahib joined the National Conference, and for some time he continued to occupy a particularly prominent position in the political field.

A. R. Sagar used to say

“In the Kashmir National Conference, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan and Sardar Budh Singh are the only two true nationalists who, by their practical conduct, deserve to be called nationalists.”

Mirza Faqir Muhammad Rajouri

The Fearless And Devoted Fighter Of Mirpur

A few years ago, newspapers carried the news that the mortal remains of Raja Muhammad Akbar, the determined fighter from the courageous region of Mirpur in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, had been removed from the cemetery of old Mirpur and reburied in a grave in new, Azad Mirpur.

This was necessary because old Mirpur, which had existed under Dogra rule, was to be submerged by the construction of the Mangla Dam.

The care taken over the transfer seemed to symbolise that the late Raja Muhammad Akbar had left the land of slavery behind and was now sleeping his eternal sleep in a land of freedom: May he sleep beneath the shelter of the earth until the Day of Judgement.

This news reminded me of a speech delivered by the late Raja Muhammad Akbar at the sixth annual session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, held at an open gathering at the Eidgah in Jammu.

The Eidgah stood at Chhawni Gando, adjoining the Jammu Dak Bungalow. It had been constructed at government expense on the orders of Maharaja Hari Singh at the time of a visit to Jammu by His Highness Nawab Hamidullah Khan, the ruler of Bhopal.

The extensive land adjoining Chhawni Gando, together with its buildings, had also been granted to the Muslims for Akbar Islamia High School, Jammu, by Maharaja Hari Singh.

It was at this Eidgah that the sixth annual session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was held in 1938. The 1938 Muslim Conference Session

The session was an extraordinary demonstration of the unity, solidarity, confidence and organisation of the Muslims of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

Selected representatives of Muslim communities living across the State—from the frontiers of Gilgit, Baltistan, Burzil and Pamir to Kohala and Suchetgarh—participated in what the writer describes as this milli parliament.

It appeared as though the emotions and aspirations of the Muslims scattered throughout the 84,000 square miles of the State had converged upon Jammu, and that the people themselves had come to witness the decisions being taken in their national and communal parliament.

Sher-e-Kashmir Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah presided over this historic session, while Quaid-e-Millat Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas was General Secretary.

The meeting was held beneath a very large canopy.

Sheikh Muhammad Amin, Chairman of the Reception Committee and a member of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly, was responsible for arranging accommodation and food for delegates arriving from throughout the country.

Outside the meeting enclosure, brilliant white tents had been erected across the open ground for the guests.

Seen from a distance, the scene resembled a great festival. As evening fell and the lights began to shine, it looked like a festival of illumination.

Although the meeting enclosure itself represented Muslim political mobilisation, large numbers of non-Muslims were also welcomed there openly and warmly.

The Opening Session

The first session began at ten o’clock at night with recitation from the Holy Qur’an, followed by a naat in praise of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ.

Sheikh Muhammad Amin, Government Contractor and Member of the Kashmir Assembly, delivered the welcoming address.

Besides one or two central demands, he drew attention to the need to resolve some of the most important problems facing Jammu Province and described the difficulties confronting local Muslims.

At the conclusion of his address, the Chairman of the Reception Committee proposed that Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, President of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, should take the chair.

Sheikh Abdullah then delivered his presidential address.

He referred to the organisation’s fundamental demands, which still remained unfulfilled, and strongly emphasised the establishment of responsible government in the State.

The writer states that, between the lines of this presidential address, Sheikh Abdullah also cautiously suggested the possibility of bringing the existing form of the Muslim Conference to an end.

Both addresses were nevertheless delivered in a peaceful and attentive atmosphere.

A Subjects Committee was then established to examine the resolutions that would be placed before the delegates the following day.

Many distinguished and learned personalities were present, and the meeting enclosure was packed with listeners.

Besides Muslims, there were significant numbers of Hindus, Sikhs, Christians and Harijans in attendance.

The writer regrets that Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas was unable to participate throughout the proceedings, apparently because he was ill.

The Delegates Take An Oath

The delegates’ session began at exactly ten o’clock the following morning.

Before proceedings began, all the delegates stood in rows below the platform, to the right and in front of the presidential chair. The President lifted the Holy Qur’an and placed his hand upon a sword.

In the presence of Allah, he pledged

“Considering Allah Almighty to be present and witnessing me, I solemnly pledge that I shall remain loyal to the organisation.

“I shall protect the interests of the Muslims.

“If sacrifice becomes necessary in this cause, I shall not hesitate to offer it.”

Each delegate then placed a hand upon the same sword, raised the Qur’an and repeated the pledge.

While this was taking place, the sound of an aircraft was heard overhead.

The aircraft flew at a low altitude above the meeting ground. It was later said that Maharaja Hari Singh himself had come to observe the Muslim Conference gathering from the air.

Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah joked

“There was only one thing missing from our annual celebration, and the aeroplane has now supplied it. It has come to give us a salute. That was the only thing still lacking, and now even that has been completed.”

The oath described above amounted to a political declaration—a commitment made with the Qur’an raised and beneath the symbolism of the sword.

The Delegates’ Session

Once the oath-taking ceremony had ended, the formal session of delegates began.

At this point, a couplet by the well-known Jammu and Kashmir poet Habib Kaifvi was presented to the President:

This is the test of your sacrifice and self-respect;

Take care that the idol of homeland does not become a stone blocking your path.

The Proposal to Transform the Muslim Conference

Maulvi Saeed Masoodi attempted to create a favourable atmosphere for the adoption of a highly controversial resolution.

Both the resolution and his supporting speech had already been printed.

The writer presents the proposal as part of a plan communicated to Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah by Diwan Bahadur N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar, intended to bring the Muslim Conference to an end.

The proposal itself argued that the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was demanding responsible government in the State.

Muslims had gone to prison for this demand. They had faced bullets, been hanged and suffered exile, yet the objective had still not been achieved.

It argued that if the demand were instead presented jointly by Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians and Harijans, it would become the voice of the whole country and would be regarded as a genuinely popular demand. The Government would then have to consider it.

Maulvi Muhammad Saeed Masoodi further argued

“Muslims constitute the overwhelming majority in this State, and therefore they have nothing to fear.

“The minorities, however, feel that if the Muslim demand for responsible government is accepted and implemented, their future in the State may become uncertain.

“If the country is to be placed on the path of progress, the minorities must therefore be taken into confidence.

“The only way to achieve this is to change the name of the Muslim Conference to the National Conference.

“This would not require any great difficulty. Wherever the word ‘Muslim’ appears in the constitution, rules, aims, objectives and manifesto of the Muslim Conference, it would simply be replaced by the word ‘National’.”

The Writer’s Interpretation of the Proposal

The writer alleges that this proposal had originally been suggested by leaders of the Indian National Congress to Kashmir’s Prime Minister, Diwan Bahadur N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar, because, in the writer’s interpretation, they did not want political power in the Himalayan State to pass into Muslim hands.

He further states that Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah and Prime Minister Gopalaswami Ayyangar had discussed Kashmir’s political future, and presents Maulvi Muhammad Saeed Masoodi’s resolution as part of this alleged political design. Fierce Opposition from Jammu Province

The proposal created an uproar.

According to the account, delegates from Jammu Province—including Jammu, Poonch, Muzaffarabad, Mirpur, Reasi, Udhampur, Kishtwar, Bhadarwah, Ranbir Singh Pura and Akhnoor—reacted angrily and repeatedly voiced their opposition.

Among those who strongly criticised what they regarded as a government-inspired proposal were

Maulvi Muhammad Abdullah Siakhvi, Haji Wahabuddin, Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan, Maulvi Ghulam Haider Jandalvi, Syed Ghulam Haider Shah, Imam of the Mosque, Hakim Maulvi Muhammad Hussain, Sheikh Abdul Hamid Advocate, Mistri Yaqub Ali, Mistri Hussain Bakhsh, Maulvi Rafiuddin and Chaudhry Hamidullah.

Their argument was

“We cannot burn down our own house merely to win the confidence of non-Muslims.

“Those who cannot continue with the Muslim Conference are perfectly free to establish a separate organisation.

“We shall not hesitate to make the greatest possible sacrifice to preserve the Muslim Conference.”

The writer states that Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, as President, attempted to handle the situation diplomatically, but anger among the delegates had become intense.

Maulvi Muhammad Abdullah Siakhvi recited verses from the Qur’an and, in an impassioned speech, described the proposal as a conspiracy against Islam.

Syed Ghulam Haider Shah declared that they could not cooperate with what he called “the enemies of the faith.” Maulvi Rafiuddin described the proposal as a betrayal of the interests of what he said were the 90 per cent Muslim population.

Hakim Maulvi Muhammad Hussain characterised it as a government conspiracy connected with the Shuddhi movement and directed against the Kashmir freedom struggle.

Retired Major Muhammad Ramzan of Udhampur, Khawaja Muhammad Khalil Kachloo of Bhadarwah, Khawaja Amkala of Reasi, and Chaudhry Abdullah Khan Bhalli of Ranbir Singh Pura also strongly opposed transforming the Muslim Conference into the National Conference.

The delegates from the Valley remained silent on the matter. A. R. Sagar Proposes Postponement

In an attempt to prevent the meeting from descending into further division, A. R. Sagar came onto the stage.

He said

“A very large majority of the delegates present are rejecting the proposal to transform the Muslim Conference into the National Conference.

“Although the representatives from the Valley are not openly supporting it, neither have they withdrawn their support.

“In view of this serious situation, I propose that the matter be brought before the next annual session of the Muslim Conference, one year from now.

“During that period, both sides will have sufficient opportunity to consider fully its advantages and disadvantages.”

The Demand For Responsible Government

The second resolution placed before the delegates concerned the immediate establishment of responsible government.

It was introduced by the late Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan, the fearless and devoted fighter of Mirpur.

In simple but powerful language, Raja Sahib explained the Muslim Conference’s fundamental demand.

He reviewed important examples from the history of the backwardness, helplessness, oppression and mistreatment of the State’s Muslim majority.

His speech also reflected the impact of statements made by the State’s Chief Minister, whose name appears in the source in an unclear form.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan strongly criticised the personal and autocratic system of government.

He described the heavy burden of taxation and the oppressive methods used to collect

land revenue;

water charges;

grazing taxes; and

other state levies.

He also discussed abuses committed by capitalists and wealthy interests.

He described coercion and oppression associated with the system of bribery.

Then he declared

“The world is changing.

“Personal and autocratic government has become obsolete.

“Government conducted through democratic methods is becoming the accepted practice throughout the world. “But it is our misfortune that here, for more than a century, we have lived under a hereditary family government.

“Under this personal system of rule, ten per cent of the entire annual revenue is assigned to the Maharaja. “Certain affairs of the State have been declared the reserved subjects of His Highness, and no criticism or comment upon them is permitted.

“The need of the time demands the establishment of a government in which responsibility for governing rests upon representatives elected by the people.

“The ruler’s powers should be defined and limited, and he should occupy the position of a constitutional ruler.”

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan also emphasised the need for special measures to overcome the backwardness of the rural population.

These were the central ideas expressed in his speech.

Sheikh Abdullah’s Position

In his presidential address, Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah had broadly argued that the movement for political awakening in the State had, until then, been initiated primarily by Muslims. The demand for responsible government had likewise been advanced by Muslims, while non-Muslims did not yet share it. His argument was that non-Muslims should also be brought into this worthy cause so that they too could participate in the struggle for freedom.

The organisation should therefore open its doors to them.

For this to become possible, he argued, a national organisation was needed.

The sphere of the Muslim Conference should be widened, and non-Muslims should be enabled to participate in its objectives, constitution and programme.

This, he suggested, could be achieved by changing the organisation’s name from the Muslim Conference to the National Conference.

The session then ended.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan Arrested For His Speech

Within the same week, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was arrested for delivering what the authorities regarded as a seditious speech against Maharaja Hari Singh.

He was prosecuted for sedition before Lala Haveli Ram, District and Sessions Judge, Jammu.

The trial continued for approximately eight to ten months, during which Raja Sahib was detained in Jammu Central Jail. The prosecution witnesses consisted mainly of CID and police officials who had been on duty, including the City Inspector and other police personnel.

Witnesses appearing for the defence included

Abdul Majid Qureshi, editor of Jamhoor; M. Merajuddin Ahmad, editor of Pasban; Malik Ghulam Haider, proprietor of Kashmir Tent Factory; Mistri Yaqub Ali; and Mistri Hussain Bakhsh, among others.

At the conclusion of the proceedings, the District Judge sentenced Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan to two and a half years’ rigorous imprisonment.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan belonged to a respected Muslim Rajput family.

His natural inclination, however, was towards giving voice to the feelings and grievances of the poorer sections of society. The writer suggests that difficult family circumstances may initially have led him into government employment, where he worked in the Co-operative Societies Department.

He spent approximately two and a half years in the isolation of prison.

When he emerged, he joined Sheikh Abdullah and became an advocate of nationalism.

May Allah Almighty grant him His mercy.

He was independent-minded, simple in his habits, virtuous in character and upright in conduct.

Together with Haji Wahabuddin, he had published the weekly newspaper Himmat from Mirpur.

It was later renamed Sach and entrusted to Master Roshan Lal. At the time this recollection was written, Sach was still being published from Jammu under Master Roshan Lal’s editorship as a memorial to Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan.

M. Merajuddin Ahmad

Editor, Pasban, Sialkot

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His Contemporaries

We have steeped every thorn-tip in the blood of our hearts, And written the laws of gardening upon the wilderness.

— Urfi

May 1936

It was the month of May. Spring had already passed and summer was gradually advancing. During the day, the heat of the sun often warmed the atmosphere, although the nights still carried a certain coolness.

When the gentle evening breeze began to blow, it carried with it the refreshing and distinctive fragrance of raat-ki-rani, jasmine and maulsari blossoms. The nights became pleasant and uplifting to the spirit.

In May 1936, what was probably the fifth session of the Muslim Conference was under way.

Tents had been erected at various places across the playing field of Akbar Islamia High School. The stage was decorated with canopies and coloured curtains, while multicoloured flags added further beauty to the scene.

Delegates had travelled from every corner of the State to participate.

The session had been continuing for three or four days under the presidency of Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah. Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas, General Secretary of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, was performing the duties of stage secretary.

Among the many resolutions before the conference was an important resolution demanding the establishment of responsible government in the State.

The writer recalls the gathering as so large and magnificent that no subsequent Muslim Conference session achieved the same splendour.

At this session, some delegates from the Kashmir Valley, Mirpur and Jammu had also introduced a resolution proposing that the constitution of the Muslim Conference should be amended to permit non-Muslims to become members.

The resolution was not adopted at this session.

The writer then states that in 1938 Sheikh Abdullah and his group succeeded in having such a resolution adopted, after which the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference split into two parts.

Sheikh Abdullah, with the support of members of his group, formed the National Conference, and Hindus and Sikhs were given the right to join the new organisation. Many subsequently did so and joined Muslim members in pursuing the objective of establishing responsible government in the State.

The writer argues that the separate course adopted by Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues weakened the influence of the Muslim Conference over the Dogra Government and reactionary Hindu elements. In his view, the standing of what had been the principal political organisation of Kashmir’s Muslims was badly damaged.

For almost two years, he says, its members could not determine how the organisation could be rebuilt.

The Reorganisation Of The Muslim Conference

According to the account, Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas and A. R. Sagar, who had joined the National Conference, later became dissatisfied with what the writer describes as Sheikh Abdullah’s pro-Hindu and pro-Sikh policy.

They left the National Conference.

Many of their associates from the Kashmir Valley, Mirpur, Jammu, Reasi, Kathua, Rajouri, Bhadarwah, Kishtwar and Banihal also left the National Conference and returned to the Muslim Conference.

The Muslim Conference was consequently reorganised in 1940, and, according to the writer, regained its former standing. The account then turns to the Lahore Resolution of 23 March 1940, adopted under the presidency of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The writer describes it as demanding the partition of India on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory, with Muslim-majority provinces forming a separate political entity called Pakistan.

Following the adoption of the Pakistan demand by the All-India Muslim League, the leaders of the Muslim Conference in the State also moved away from their earlier demand for responsible government and made the inclusion of the State of Jammu and Kashmir within the proposed state of Pakistan their objective.

The slogan of Pakistan possessed enormous attraction. According to the writer, the Muslim Conference’s new position drew considerable support in Jammu Province and somewhat less in Kashmir Province.

The National Conference, meanwhile, adopted the ideals of composite nationalism and secularism within the State, and received the full support of the Indian National Congress. Thus, according to this account, two increasingly distinct political positions emerged. The National Conference advocated secularism and composite nationalism, while the Muslim Conference adopted the Two-Nation Theory and called for the State to become part of Pakistan.

Sheikh Abdullah led the National Conference, while Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas led the Muslim Conference.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan Rises To Speak

It was the final day of the Muslim Conference General Council. Resolutions concerning Muslim demands were being introduced and adopted with the agreement and support of the majority of delegates.

Following the President’s instructions, the stage secretary called delegates forward so that they could express their views for and against the resolutions.

When the resolution demanding responsible government was introduced, the stage secretary called upon the leader of the Mirpur delegation to come to the rostrum and state his position.

A mujahid—a man of struggle—rose from his seat and walked towards the platform.

He was tall and upright, like a graceful cypress standing in a garden.

He had a high forehead, a finely proportioned face and large, expressive eyes, yet his gaze was as sharp as an eagle’s.

His complexion was wheat-coloured, with an attractive darker tone.

His body was strong.

His clothing was simple: a loose-sleeved khaddar shirt and khaddar pyjamas cut in the style considered consistent with religious practice.

As this serious and dignified fighter began speaking, silence descended upon the gathering.

The spellbinding speaker was Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan. “THE DOGRA IMPERIAL RULE MUST GIVE UP GOVERNING THE STATE”

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan criticised the resolution demanding responsible government.

He declared

“My brothers! You are demanding responsible

government under the protection of the Dogra Maharaja. “But I say openly and publicly that Dogra imperial rule must give up the government of this State.

“A democratic form of government should be established in this land, so that whoever is elected by the majority of the people may become a member of a free Assembly and fulfil the responsibility of representing his constituency.

“We do not recognise the Treaty of Amritsar between the British traders of the East India Company and Gulab Singh.

“Apart from a few families enjoying special privileges, the people of the State are being crushed beneath the millstone of Dogra oppression.

“Farmers and workers alike are destitute. They suffer from illiteracy and long even for a piece of coarse bread. “We shall never accept such an oppressive government or such an enslaving and absolute ruler who exploits the people of the State.

“The Dogra Hindu State treats the overwhelming majority of its population—the Muslims—as though they were worse than cattle.

“The Maharaja lives in luxury upon the blood and sweat of poor peasants and impoverished workers.

“His dogs and horses are fed upon the finest food, while the poverty-stricken people of Kashmir cannot obtain even a piece of dry bread.

“Government officials plunder the poor peasants.

“During the winter, labourers travel to the cities of Punjab and perform exhausting physical labour simply to keep body and soul together and earn a few coins.

“Yet when they return, these same government officials empty their pockets under the pretext of taxes and other levies.

“We can never accept a ruler who has forcibly taken possession of our mosques and other religious places. “Muslims have been reduced to such a condition that they are not even permitted to give the azan in their mosques. “There are many other such laws whose sole purpose is to keep Muslims in fear and intimidation.”**

“WE SHALL WIN OUR FREEDOM”

In this way, the writer says, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan exposed the oppression and abuses of the Dogra rulers with such force that the audience became intensely excited.

Slogan after slogan rose from the gathering

“Long live Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan!”

“We shall win our freedom!”

“Down with Dogra imperial rule!”

The entire gathering echoed with these cries.

As Raja Sahib brought his speech to an end, he recited a couplet by Allama Muhammad Iqbal

In the crowded gathering I revealed the secret;

I have been terribly insolent—and now I seek my punishment. He then stepped down from the rostrum and returned to his seat.

Arrested For Sedition

Plain-clothes police recorders were present inside the gathering.

Uniformed police were also patrolling outside, accompanied by a magistrate.

As soon as the meeting ended, acting upon the magistrate’s order, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was arrested under Section 124-A on the charge of spreading sedition.

The writer explains that Raja Sahib appeared upon the political horizon like a shining moon during the writer’s own student years.

Later, after entering government service, the writer found it impossible to participate in political organisations.

People such as him therefore knew Raja Sahib by reputation, but had little opportunity to meet him personally.

He writes

“I saw Raja Sahib for the first and last time at the Muslim Conference session of 1936 described above.”

He never again had an opportunity to be in the company of this distinguished leader.

Consequently, many aspects of Raja Sahib’s life remained unknown to him.

Raja Muhammad Khalid Khan’S Account Of His Father

Professor Dr Ghulam Hasan Azhar, M.A. Urdu, Ph.D., then teaching Urdu at Government Degree College Bhimber, and Raja Sahib’s distinguished son Raja Muhammad Khalid Khan, Headmaster of Pilot High School, asked the writer to contribute something about the late Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan. Because he did not possess sufficient information himself, the writer requested Raja Muhammad Khalid Khan to send him some biographical details.

Raja Khalid sent such a substantial account of his father that it amounted to an article in its own right.

The writer therefore reproduces it, with thanks, as a supplement.

Raja Muhammad Khalid Khan writes

“Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan Sahib was born around 1893–94. Research into his exact date of birth is continuing and, God willing, it will soon be established.”

His Life Before Entering Politics

From childhood, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan had a deep love of reciting the Holy Qur’an.

He pursued this interest successfully at a religious school in Laliani, Bhalwal tehsil, Sargodha District.

After completing his elementary education, he enlisted in the 23rd Cavalry Regiment.

He had a great passion for horse riding and lance fighting, and it was this interest that led him into the army.

During the First World War, he had opportunities to travel through various Muslim countries.

These experiences made him realise, according to his son, that

Freedom is an immensely precious blessing, while slavery is a terrible curse.

His understanding of the difference between freedom and subjugation emerged from his own observations and from the experiences and changing circumstances of his life.

Raja Sahib therefore left military service.

He returned to Mirpur and obtained employment with the Co-operative Bank.

Leaving Government Employment

Whether employment was under the British or the Dogra Government, Raja Sahib did not like being in government service.

Indeed, he was temperamentally opposed to such employment. In 1928, therefore, he resigned from the Co-operative Bank and left salaried government employment permanently.

When the movement against Dogra rule developed in the State of Jammu and Kashmir in 1931–32, Raja Sahib joined it.

He made full use of the political abilities with which, in his son’s words, Providence had endowed him.

He possessed a naturally rebellious temperament.

Because of his political activities, he was arrested and spent time behind prison walls.

After his release, he joined the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference.

He was arrested repeatedly and spent a substantial part of his political life in prison.

Sometimes he was released after completing his sentence; on other occasions, the Government released him before the sentence had expired.

His Relationship With Sheikh Abdullah

Raja Sahib possessed a deep attachment to Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah.

The account states that he therefore left the Muslim Conference and joined the National Conference in 1936, remaining associated with it until his death.

Sheikh Abdullah placed great trust in Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan and regarded him as his particularly trusted representative in Mirpur District.

Sheikh Abdullah greatly admired Raja Sahib’s steadfastness, truthfulness, honesty, integrity and rebellious spirit against Dogra rule.

The 1932 Land-Revenue Movement

When the movement for the non-payment of land revenue began in 1932, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan worked alongside the late Ghazi Ilahi Bakhsh and Haji Wahabuddin to make it successful.

At Raja Sahib’s encouragement and persuasion, people in many villages of Mirpur District refused to pay land revenue to the Government.

According to the account, disturbances and unrest spread through villages and towns on such a scale that the army imposed martial law and regained control only with great difficulty.

Among Raja Sahib’s circle of friends and comrades in Mirpur were

Maulvi Muhammad Abdullah Siakhvi, Haji Wahabuddin, Comrade Muhammad Shafi of Baghsar, Ghazi Muhammad Bakhsh of Salhowalan, Sardar Budh Singh, Comrade Trilok Chand and Master Roshan Lal.

Raja Akbar As A Journalist

Raja Sahib also possessed a strong interest in journalism.

In 1933, he launched the weekly newspaper Himmat.

For some reason, it later ceased publication.

In 1940, Raja Sahib launched another weekly newspaper under the title Sach.

At the time this account was written, Sach was being published from Jammu as a daily newspaper under the editorship of Master Roshan Lal.

Raja Sahib’s life was cut short.

In September 1946, he returned to his Creator.

Indeed, we belong to Allah, and to Him we shall return.

His Contribution To Journalism

The writer states that he had the opportunity to read Lala Mulk Raj Saraf’s English-language book My Journey to Pakistan.

In it, Saraf discussed the weekly newspaper Ranbir, which he had succeeded in launching from Jammu in 1924 after considerable effort.

Among the reliable and experienced correspondents whom Saraf mentioned from the outlying districts were Maulvi Zain-ul-Abidin of Samahni and Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan. According to the writer, Saraf paid tribute to both men and openly acknowledged Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’s journalistic ability.

“A LIVING PICTURE” OF IQBAL’S VERSE

The late Raja Sahib was a man of pure character, gracious conduct and good morals, and a firmly believing Muslim.

His political life always remained unstained.

The writer says that he appeared to be a living embodiment of Allama Iqbal’s famous couplet

Among friends, the believer is as soft as silk;

But in the struggle between truth and falsehood, he is steel.

The writer then laments

“Sadly, the world is very cruel and ungrateful.”

He argues that the credit for creating political awakening in Mirpur District belonged to Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan, but that some people avoided mentioning him because he had been a member of the National Conference and a political colleague of Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah.

The writer rejects this attitude

“Despite political disagreement, a broad-minded person does not break the bonds of love and affection.

“Political conviction is an individual’s personal matter. “It is a sign of extreme narrow-mindedness if we allow political differences to become a cause of personal resentment.

“It is precisely this narrow-mindedness that has brought us to a position where we can neither move forward nor retreat.”

“HE WAS A HERO OF HIS AGE”

Raja Sahib is no longer present in this world.

Nevertheless, the writer says

“We salute the late Raja Sahib for his high courage, noble character and devotion to his faith.

“He was a hero of his age.”

For the sake of his country and community, there were times when he endured poverty and hunger.

Yet the steadfastness of this man of struggle never faltered.

The account closes with a couplet attributed to Ghalib

The world remains inhabited despite the passing of its people of courage;

Yet with every cup that is filled, the wine-house grows emptier. Abdul Hamid Nizami

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His Contemporaries

My father passed away when I was still a child, and all the responsibilities of our household fell upon my elder brother, Sheikh Muhammad Ishaq.

My brother had experienced better days and, in order to maintain a comfortable lifestyle, he sold our house for a very small sum—probably about eight hundred rupees. Fortunately for us, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’s office was directly opposite my brother’s shop.

When Raja Sahib learned what had happened, he went to the Hindu moneylender who had bought the house and told him: “You have deprived an orphan and a minor child of his rightful property. I shall bring a legal case against you.” The moneylender was so impressed by Raja Sahib’s personality and the force of his words that he returned the deed of sale and the other documents.

Raja Sahib brought those papers to my mother and handed them back to her.

In this way, he recovered for us the house that had been sold.

How I Became Devoted To Raja Sahib

This incident made me deeply devoted to him.

I was only in the sixth class when I began visiting his office. Gradually, my respect for him continued to grow.

I saw that there were many occasions when he remained hungry throughout the day without telling anyone.

Late at night, after praying on his prayer mat, he would simply sleep there. Before dawn, he would rise to perform the Tahajjud prayer.

I often saw him standing before God in prayer.

Besides his contentment with little and his devotion to worship, he was a man of profound compassion.

In Mirpur city, he was a source of support for Muslims in need. Villagers who had been ruined at the hands of usurers, moneylenders, corrupt officials and oppressive jagirdars frequently came to him for help, and he would pursue their cases.

Whenever someone in need came to him, he would immediately get up and go with that person.

Yet he himself possessed such self-respect and independence that if anyone tried to offer him financial help, he would immediately push the hand away. Unless he had a particularly close personal relationship with someone, he would accept nothing from them.

His Hindu Comrades

Politically, Raja Sahib was prepared to work alongside Hindus. At the same time, he constantly tried to protect Muslims against injustices committed against them.

The Hindus who joined him in the political movement had themselves risen above communal prejudices.

Krishan Dev Sethi was a rebel through and through.

His father had died, leaving his mother a young widow. Under Hindu custom, she was not permitted to remarry. This was one of the things that made Sethi rebellious against the established social order.

He had also seen many families destroyed by compound interest, and therefore became a determined opponent of the mahajani moneylending system.

When my sister died, he wrote me a deeply moving letter of condolence.

The same was true of Roshan Lal.

Raja Sahib’s Hindu comrades were sincere and compassionate people.

“A SEETHING VOLCANO AGAINST DOGRA RULE”

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was like a fiercely seething volcano against Dogra rule.

The longing for the freedom of Kashmir was present in every fibre of his being.

He particularly enjoyed reciting rebellious and revolutionary poetry.

I have forgotten the name of one particular poem, but he repeatedly sang these words from it

“Yes, yes—for seventy-five lakhs!

Yes, yes—for seventy-five lakhs!”

During his final illness, he repeatedly recited this line from Allama Iqbal

“Beyond the stars there are still other worlds.”

Again and again he urged us

“Keep your objective high.”

He placed enormous emphasis upon service to humanity.

Whenever I asked him how one should serve the people, he would say

“Pick up a spade and straighten the streets. Even this service will not go to waste.”

The 1946 Kotli Mosque Movement

In 1946, when the late Ghazi Ilahi Bakhsh launched a movement for the restoration of the Kotli mosque, I asked Raja Sahib for permission to participate.

He said

“Zafar, if your heart tells you to take part, I shall not stop you.”

I was imprisoned for participating in that movement.

When I was released, Raja Sahib congratulated me.

I remained with him until his death.

There was little else I could do to serve him, so I would often massage his feet.

He played the greatest part in my political education.

The first article I ever wrote was about his death.

Written in a literary, almost fictional style, it was entitled Ehsaas (Feeling) and was published in Sach.

It was also because of Raja Sahib’s influence upon me that I named Ghazi Ilahi Bakhsh’s newspaper Haq, of which I was editor.

Yaqub Zafar

Raja Shahnawaz Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar

Among all the members of my family, I had the good fortune of spending more time close to Raja Akbar Sahib than anyone else.

Countless incidents from his life remain preserved in my memory. It is difficult to relate or write them all.

Everything about Akbar was distinctive and unusual.

“ALL THE CHILDREN OF THIS AGE IN THE STATE ARE MY CHILDREN”

While Raja Sahib was in prison, his son Ehsan-ul-Haq died. Raja Sajawal Khan went to visit him in prison and gave him the news.

Raja Sahib was saddened.

Then he smiled and said

“Allah Almighty has taken back what He had entrusted to me.”

When the family learned that he had responded in this way, it caused some bitterness in his married life for a time.

I asked him

“What was it that you said? God forbid, did you lose your mental balance while you were in prison?”

In response to my rather harsh question, he said

“Shahnawaz, you should understand that all the children of this age throughout the State are my children.”

It is worth noting that Ehsan-ul-Haq was his only son at the time, and had been born after five daughters.

The Old Man Carrying The Tehsildar’S Bedding

Once, while walking along a road, Raja Sahib saw an exhausted elderly man standing and leaning for support.

The old man was carrying a heavy bundle of bedding on his head.

Raja Sahib asked

“What is this?”

The old man replied painfully

“It is the Tehsildar’s bedding.”

Just then Fazl Ilahi, the zaildar of Peinam, and the Tehsildar arrived.

Seeing them, Raja Sahib told the old man

“Set this bedding on fire.”

Neither the zaildar nor the Tehsildar dared to object.

The elderly man was freed from his burden, and the officials had to make other arrangements.

“THE WELL DOES NOT BELONG TO HARI SINGH”

On one occasion Lord Willingdon came to Jangwan.

Chet Ram Chopra summoned the lambardars and ordered that, during Lord Willingdon’s visit, no man or woman should draw water from the well.

When Raja Sahib heard about this, he strongly opposed the order.

He said

“The well belongs neither to Maharaja Hari Singh nor to Chet Ram Chopra. Therefore, nobody can prohibit the people from drawing water from it.”

Chet Ram Chopra complained to Hari Singh.

According to this recollection, Hari Singh replied

“Do not interfere with Raja Akbar. We shall arrange water from Sialkot.”

His Encounter With Wajahat Hussain

On one occasion, Raja Sahib went to meet Wajahat Hussain, the Home Minister, who at that time was serving in the State as a lent officer.

Wajahat Hussain was busy, so Raja Sahib sat with the Superintendent.

When Wajahat Hussain became free, he sent for Raja Sahib.

A peon came twice to summon him, but each time Raja Sahib replied

“I am busy.”

On the third occasion, Wajahat Hussain came to Raja Sahib himself.

He apologised and assured him that in future there would be no such restriction or delay.

“YOU ARE AN OLD OX”

Raja Sahib had a similar confrontation with Abdul Samad, who was also serving in Kashmir as a lent officer.

During a heated exchange concerning the rights of Muslims, Raja Sahib told him

“You are an old ox who is no longer capable of pulling the cart of the Government of India, so they have sent you here.”

Whenever anyone was deprived of a right, Raja Sahib would make every possible effort to secure justice for that person.

The Case Of Dr Fazlur Rahman

When Dr Mela Ram Chadha was selected instead of Dr Fazlur Rahman for medical studies abroad, Raja Sahib intervened. According to this recollection, his intervention resulted in Chadha being called back from the airport, while Dr Fazlur Rahman was awarded the scholarship and sent abroad.

It was this same Dr Fazlur Rahman who later treated Raja Sahib during his final illness.

Carrying A Sick Old Man To Hospital

On another occasion, an elderly sick man was lying beside a well, groaning in pain.

Raja Sahib had the man placed upon a charpoy.

He lifted one end himself and told me to take the other. Together, carrying the charpoy, we took the sick man to hospital.

At that moment, Dr Fazlur Rahman was playing badminton. Raja Sahib immediately sent word that the doctor should come. Raja Sahib was wearing a woollen loi. He took it from his own shoulders and gave it to the patient.

I had personally brought that loi for Raja Sahib from Gilgit. Every day thereafter, Raja Sahib went to enquire about the patient’s condition.

The sick man’s wife eventually told him

“Raja Sahib is a man who lives like a faqir. Why did you accept this loi from him? Return it.”

The man therefore sent the loi back.

Raja Sahib refused to accept it.

Beside his office sat a cobbler named Lala Khan, known as Baghi Farang, whom Raja Sahib jokingly called Mir-e-Majlis.

Raja Sahib sent him to the patient with the message

“Tell them that I shall not take the loi back. It belongs to you now.”

His Distance From The Wealthy

The depth of Raja Sahib’s affection for the poor was matched by his determination to keep his distance from the wealthy. On one occasion Governor Raja Afzal Khan proposed that Raja Sahib should publish a journal called Rajput.

Raja Sahib would be its editor, while Raja Afzal Khan would meet all its expenses.

On hearing the proposal, Raja Sahib replied

“I regard even Sarak Bhangi as my father. Are you prepared to accept him as your father?”

Raja Afzal Khan fell silent.

According to the recollection, he did not dare say another word.

Raja Sahib’S Final Illness

Raja Sahib’s illness is a subject in itself.

The causes of that illness, Raja Shahnawaz says, became known only much later.

According to him, a doctor at Mayo Hospital claimed that Raja Sahib had been given poisonous injections.

This is presented in the memoir as the doctor’s reported claim. Conditions for other prisoners in Kathua Jail had also been poor.

In protest against this mistreatment, Raja Sahib began a hunger strike lasting twenty-two days.

Most of the prisoners’ demands were eventually accepted.

The Governor then summoned me and said

“Persuade Raja Sahib somehow to end his hunger strike.” I travelled from Ranbir Singh Pura to Kathua Jail.

Raja Sahib told me

“Until every demand is accepted, I shall not end the strike.”

Raja Afzal Khan and Raja Sahib remained in discussion for six hours.

Eventually Raja Sahib agreed to end his hunger strike, after which he was admitted to hospital.

The Search For Treatment

In Jammu, Prabhat Singh carried out an examination or screening of Raja Sahib’s abdomen.

In Srinagar, Raja Sahib remained for several days under the treatment of Colonel Chopra.

Chopra advised that he should be taken to Hakim Ajmal Khan in Delhi.

Dr Fazlur Rahman purchased a ticket from Jhelum to Delhi and sent Raja Sahib there.

After reading Dr Fazlur Rahman’s letter, Hakim Ajmal Khan gave Raja Sahib a place in his clinic.

On the seventh day, however, Hakim Ajmal Khan said

“My treatment has failed. You should take him back.” After returning from Delhi, Raja Sahib came under the care of Dr Jamiat Singh in Mirpur.

Dr Jamiat Singh was a doctor at Mayo Hospital but had unexpectedly returned to his home town of Mirpur for a few days.

Under Dr Jamiat Singh’s treatment, Raja Sahib recovered sufficiently to begin walking again.

He was eventually able to walk home on foot.

His Regret At Missing The Quit Kashmir Movement

Throughout his illness, one thought troubled Raja Sahib above all others

he had been unable to participate in the Quit Kashmir Movement.

Whenever he expressed this regret, his eyes filled with tears. Shortly before his death, I gave him the news that a decision had been made concerning India’s independence.

On hearing it, he said

“Alhamdulillah! My grave will at least be in a free country.”

A little later, Abdullah Siakhvi Sahib arrived carrying his newspaper and read the news to him.

Raja Sahib again said

“O Allah! A hundred thousand thanks to You. My grave will at least be in a free country.”

Not long afterwards, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan passed away.

Raja Shahnawaz

My first introduction to Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan came through Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi.

Maulana Siakhvi’s nephew, Manzoor, was married at Banah to the daughter of Muhammad Ismail, who was my paternal aunt’s son. Raja Sahib also attended the wedding.

After the wedding, Maulana Siakhvi, Raja Sahib and I travelled together to Mirpur.

On the way, we saw two men being taken away by policemen from Shish Kas for begar—compulsory unpaid labour.

The two men signalled to us, asking to be rescued.

Raja Sahib immediately told Head Constable Pir Badshah

“Release these two labourers.”

They were released.

Later on the journey, however, Maulana Siakhvi’s son Altaf made the same men carry his luggage.

Seeing this, Raja Sahib remarked

“A vulture seized the hen’s chicks. The cat rescued them from the vulture—and then ate them itself.”

His meaning was that Altaf had behaved in exactly the same way: the men had been rescued from compulsory labour only to be made to carry someone else’s burden.

Altaf was deeply embarrassed.

It was Altaf who formally introduced me to Raja Sahib, and from that point onwards our relationship of affection and respect gradually deepened.

The Complaints Against Rao Ratan Singh

On one occasion Raja Sahib went to meet Swami Ayyangar concerning allegations of abuses by Rao Ratan Singh, and also to raise demands relating to the construction of the Pattan Lihalian–Jangwan road.

Maulana Siakhvi and I accompanied him.

During the meeting, Maulana Siakhvi described Rao Ratan Singh’s alleged abuses by reciting his satirical poem Litar Nama.

Afzal Beg Sahib translated the verses as the Maulana recited them.

Ayyangar was so interested that he asked him to read the poem again. Maulana Sahib then recited Litar Nama once more, this time melodiously.

According to this recollection, the discussion resulted in a decision to stop the new construction of the Jangwan road. Compensation that had already been paid to people for their land was to be returned by instalments, and orders were issued to construct a track alongside the canal.

Rao Ratan Singh was immediately transferred by wireless order to Jammu as Controller.

The Litar Nama

The writer describes Rao Ratan Singh’s conduct as extremely oppressive.

He had sent his mares to various places, where they were kept by lambardars and zaildars. These local officials obtained wheat from cultivators to feed the animals.

Subedar Inayatullah Khan, a senior jagirdar of Nabah, had six of Rao Ratan Singh’s mares. They were moved to different places throughout the Nabah valley.

The house of the lambardar of Gorah Balyal stood beside the home of Maulvi Abdul Karim, with a mosque adjoining it.

The mares were allowed to wander freely and, according to the account, this also resulted in disrespect to the mosque. Maulvi Abdul Karim became angry and struck the mares and their attendants.

In retaliation, Rao Ratan Singh obtained a complaint from one of the attendants, registered a case against Maulvi Abdul Karim, and began hearing the case himself.

Maulvi Abdul Karim attempted to have the case transferred to the Sessions Judge.

While proceedings concerning the transfer were still under way, Raja Sahib and Maulana Siakhvi decided to meet Ayyangar.

To expose what they regarded as abuses by officials, Maulana Siakhvi composed Litar Nama.

Its central argument was that government employees collected bribes for Rao Ratan Singh: they kept some for themselves and handed some to him.

The poem compared them to harvest labourers who spend an entire day cutting crops in return for only a small share of the harvest.

“HE COULD NOT TOLERATE OPPRESSION OF THE POOR” Raja Sahib could not tolerate any form of oppression or injustice against poor people.

On one occasion, he learned that a hawk had been killed by a poor woman at a mountain settlement, and that police were subsequently mistreating the local population.

He took Maulana Siakhvi and me with him and travelled to Kas Gumah.

At a nearby dhok—a seasonal mountain settlement—we ate a simple breakfast of stale millet bread and lassi.

Afterwards, Raja Sahib asked Maulana Siakhvi to address the people.

During his speech, Maulana Sahib led the slogan

“Down with Maharaja Hari Singh!”

Raja Sahib then told him

“Raise ‘Down with Raja Mardan Ali!’ and ‘Down with Raja Afzal Khan!’ as well, because these people fear those two even more than they fear Hari Singh.”

When these slogans were raised, increasing numbers of people gradually gathered at the meeting place.

Taking the crowd with us, we then proceeded to the dhok where the investigation was taking place.

The Hawk Incident

Yahya Qureshi, who later became an SP, proposed a settlement.

Raja Sahib agreed to reconciliation on two conditions

“The police must return the bribe they have taken, and they must apologise to the villagers.”

A settlement was reached on precisely these terms.

According to the writer, the episode gave ordinary people a greater awareness of their rights and a sense that those rights could be defended.

The original incident itself had been very simple.

A hawk had swooped upon a chicken. A woman tried to drive it away with a stick. The stick struck the hawk and killed it. Because of the influence of Raja Afzal Khan’s family, police from the Nowshera and Mirpur police stations arrived to investigate and, according to this account, began mistreating the local population.

Raja Sahib, the writer says, never allowed an opportunity to pass when he could awaken public consciousness and obtain redress for people who had been wronged.

The Case Of Allah Ditta

On another occasion, Raja Sahib was staying at Gaiyan.

A man named Allah Ditta had allegedly been falsely implicated in a case by the DFO, who then took a bribe from him.

A local leader called Baba Jamali was also said to have been involved in the bribery.

When Allah Ditta learned that Raja Sahib was in Gaiyan, he came looking for him.

He said

“Show me Raja Akbar.”

I pointed towards Raja Sahib and said

“That is Raja Sahib.”

Allah Ditta looked at him and exclaimed in Gujari, in words roughly meaning

“Is this Raja Akbar—the thin, frail man?”

He then continued in Gujari. The wording in the source is dialectal and partly unclear, but its sense is that he had heard of Raja Akbar as a man whose very name inspired fear, and then complained that Shiv Ram had taken money from him as a penalty or exaction.

When Raja Sahib heard the whole story, he was deeply stirred. “I AM READY TO SPEND MY WHOLE LIFE IN PRISON” Raja Sahib organised a public meeting attended by a very large number of people.

In his speech, he declared

“Shiv Ram Ranger is a wolf.

“I am prepared to spend my entire life in prison, but I cannot stand by and watch exploitation.”

Following his speech, the meeting adopted a resolution demanding that the result of an inquiry be announced within seven days.

Within those seven days, Raja Wilayat Khan was appointed DFO.

According to the memoir, Shiv Ram apologised and returned the money.

His promotion was withheld for three years, and he was transferred to Bela Bahadur Shah as a punishment posting.

His Own Life Of Poverty

Raja Sahib stood firmly against every oppressor.

Yet his own material circumstances were extremely modest. Near his office was a woman called Mai Begman Jheori, who operated a tandoor. Raja Sahib would eat bread with dal that she provided without charge.

Whenever I travelled to Mirpur, I would take maize flour with me.

Even then, it was difficult to persuade the woman to bake maize bread for him.

There were many occasions when Raja Sahib simply remained hungry.

“WE SHOULD EAT WHAT THE PEOPLE EAT”

During Raja Sahib’s illness, Afzal Beg Sahib came with several companions to enquire about his health.

Raja Sahib served them the same simple food

millet bread and lassi.

He told them

“Whatever food is available to the ordinary people here is what you and I should eat as well.”

Master Faqir Muhammad

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His Contemporaries

Muhammad Yusuf Nazim Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

The life of a poor person is itself a cruel joke—and so is his death. He opens his eyes in darkness, and in darkness he prepares to depart from this world.

The colours, beauties and attractions of the world may be captivating and enchanting, but when does a poor person ever have the opportunity to enjoy them?

I had reached the very limits of poverty.

I was in the fifth class when my father died. There was no one to look after me or even ask how I was managing.

With great difficulty, I passed the middle-school examination. Although I had actually stood first in Mirpur tehsil in the middle examination, it was impossible for me to continue my education.

I wandered about, preoccupied with the problem of earning a living.

By fortunate coincidence, during a conversation the peon of Samwal Middle School told me

“There is a man in Mirpur called Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan. He is the editor of a newspaper. He is a very good man and sympathetic towards the poor. Perhaps he can find you employment somewhere, or help you find some other means of earning a living.”

As far as employment was concerned, I was only fourteen years old, and at such a young age it was difficult to find a job. Nevertheless, I decided that when I reached Mirpur, I would certainly meet Raja Sahib.

A Fifteen-Mile Walk To Mirpur

One morning in early December, I set out for Mirpur.

I walked the fifteen or sixteen miles from my home and reached Mirpur at around the time of the Asr prayer.

I asked where Raja Sahib was and learned that he had gone to his home in Chamahal.

I knew nobody in the town.

My pockets were empty.

I began to worry about where I would spend the night. I neither knew how to beg nor had I ever learned to stretch out my hand before another person.

As I struggled with these thoughts, evening shadows began to fall.

Finally, I decided to spend the night in a small mosque in Mohalla Hyderabad, close to the house Raja Sahib had rented.

A Winter Night I Could Never Forget

I shall never forget that winter night.

I sat in the mosque from early evening and performed the Maghrib prayer with the congregation.

It was a very small mosque, with no more than six or seven worshippers.

The imam was a short, hunchbacked, maulvi-like man. He had a thin, long beard dyed red with henna and lived in the mosque itself.

I thought that, seeing me as a stranger, one of the worshippers—or perhaps the imam—would ask

Who was I?

Where had I come from?

What had brought me there?

But the worshippers and the imam merely cast a passing glance at me, performed their prayers and went away.

At Isha, only three or four worshippers arrived.

I again joined the congregational prayer.

Once more, nobody thought it worth asking me anything. Like a speechless animal, I remained huddled there, abandoned to the mercy of circumstances.

After finishing the prayer and reciting some devotional prayers, the imam stretched himself out on a charpoy, covered himself with a quilt and disappeared into deep sleep.

But how could I sleep?

I was wearing old, torn clothes, covered only by a thick khaddar shawl.

My teeth chattered from the bitter cold.

Lying on a mat, I turned from one side to the other, trying to sleep, but sleep would not come.

In this way, constantly changing position, I somehow passed the night.

Morning arrived.

The worshippers returned, and I performed the congregational prayer with them.

The morning advanced, but I remained sitting in the mosque, waiting for Raja Sahib.

I was desperately hungry.

His First Meeting With Raja Akbar

At about eleven o’clock, I learned that Raja Sahib had returned and was upstairs in the house.

Nervously, I climbed the stairs and greeted him.

He returned my greeting and motioned for me to sit down. After a short while, he asked why I had come.

I told him the whole story of my life, including what I had endured the previous night.

Raja Sahib comforted me, assured me of his sympathy and ordered food for me.

I had gone there hoping that I might work as a calligrapher/typesetter for Raja Sahib’s newspaper.

Raja Sahib explained

“Typesetting and calligraphy for printing is a skill. It has to be learned.”

My handwriting was good, but I knew nothing about the professional art of kitabat—preparing handwritten text for lithographic printing.

He therefore advised me

“Come back in a week. I shall take you with me to Jammu. There I shall arrange for a professional calligrapher to teach you the craft.”

“TEACH THIS ORPHAN BOY A TRADE”

On the appointed day, I returned to Raja Sahib.

He took me with him to Jammu.

There he brought me to Tajuddin Sahib, the calligrapher of the Jammu newspaper Pasban.

Raja Sahib told him

“This boy is an orphan. Teach him the art of kitabat so that he may become capable of earning his own livelihood.”

I remained there for three months.

Then I returned to Mirpur and began doing the kitabat for the newspaper Himmat.

From Himmat To Sach

The printer and publisher of Himmat was Haji Wahabuddin, a close friend of Raja Sahib.

Haji Sahib printed the newspaper on a hand-operated press, which he operated himself.

Then, by coincidence, Raja Sahib was arrested because of what the authorities regarded as a rebellious speech.

The court sentenced him to eighteen months' imprisonment. I could not get along with Haji Sahib and therefore stopped doing the kitabat for Himmat.

After completing his prison sentence, Raja Sahib returned to Mirpur and began publishing Sach.

I therefore returned to him and took responsibility for the kitabat of Sach.

I continued doing this work even after Raja Sahib’s death, until the connection was finally broken during the communal disturbances of 1947.

In this way, I had the privilege of spending approximately seven years in Raja Sahib’s company.

Poverty In Mirpur

Imagine a period when a labourer earned only six annas a day, yet unemployment was so severe that even at such a tiny wage it was difficult to find work.

Clouds of poverty and deprivation hung everywhere.

The writer recalls that Muslims were backward in virtually every sphere of life. Government employment, he says, was dominated by Hindus. Ordinary Muslims had little access to education, while the agricultural population was crushed beneath the burden of compound interest.

Even those Muslims who had obtained some education often could not find employment.

It was in this environment that I worked on the kitabat of Sach for a salary of only ten rupees a month.

Morning and evening, I usually ate with Raja Sahib at a very humble little eating place run by Mai Begman and Mani Jiwani. “HAWAI RIZQ” — A LIVELIHOOD THAT CAME FROM THE AIR

Whether Raja Sahib could pay the food bill depended largely upon good fortune.

If he happened to receive newspaper subscriptions or money from advertisements, the bill would be paid.

Otherwise, the account remained unpaid for as long as two months.

My particular difficulty arose when Raja Sahib went away on political tours.

Sometimes Mai Begman refused to give me food.

At other times, she would scold me severely

“You do not pay us any money, yet you come and sit down to eat!”

Sometimes I was so embarrassed that I simply went to bed hungry.

Even the ten rupees a month that Raja Sahib paid me depended upon what I jokingly called

“Hawai rizq” — sustenance that comes from the air.

In other words, there was no fixed date upon which I received my wages.

I became extremely troubled and frustrated.

The payment for my kitabat was tiny to begin with, and even that did not arrive regularly or at any fixed time.

The Poem Shikwa

During this period, I wrote a Punjabi poem entitled Shikwa (Complaint).

Its language was sharp and bitter.

I recited the poem at a public meeting held at Chah Sardar Tan Singh, right in the centre of the bazaar.

It provoked a fierce reaction.

Some circles even attempted to issue a fatwa of unbelief against me.

However, Raja Sahib intervened and the controversy was eventually settled.

Then circumstances unexpectedly changed in my favour.

At that time, a young Hindu named Raizada was doing the kitabat for the newspapers Sadaqat, Sharafat and Himmat in Mirpur.

He fell out with the editors of these newspapers, abandoned the profession and went to Lahore.

Those newspapers then began sending their work to me.

As a result, I finally began earning a reasonable income from my craft.

How Raja Akbar Enabled Him To Earn A Living

I often compared my improved circumstances with the earlier period when I had sat respectfully before my teacher Tajuddin in the Jammu offices of the weekly Pasban, learning the art of kitabat.

It was Raja Sahib who had placed me under the care of Pahlwan Chiragh Din, proprietor of the Taj Hotel, Jammu.

In my spare time, I washed dishes at the hotel.

In return, I received two meals a day.

Now, however, my work as a professional calligrapher enabled me to support myself reasonably well.

“THIS IS A BRIBE”

Raja Sahib took great pleasure in helping every poor and oppressed person.

And he did so with complete sincerity.

On one occasion, a man offered Raja Sahib sixty rupees on the condition that Raja Sahib travel to Jammu and get some official work done for him.

After some hesitation, Raja Sahib accepted the money.

But after taking it, his conscience began troubling him so deeply that he could not sleep throughout the night.

The following morning, he returned all sixty rupees to the man. The man was both surprised and disappointed.

He said

“Even if my work cannot be done, I shall not ask you to return this money. There is no need for you to trouble yourself about it.”

Raja Sahib replied

“In my view, this is a bribe. Because of these rupees, I could not sleep all night.

“God willing, your work will still be done. Do not worry. “I have to travel to Jammu on an important matter of my own anyway. I shall deal with your matter while I am there.”

The man’s case, which concerned an administrative matter, was eventually resolved as he wished.

He offered Raja Sahib the money again.

Raja Sahib categorically refused it.

Helping Young Muslims Into Education And Employment

The late Raja Sahib was extremely compassionate and tender-hearted.

Whenever he saw someone in difficulty, he became restless until he could help.

At that time, obtaining government employment was, according to the memoirist, an especially difficult problem for Muslims.

Nevertheless, through his contacts and influence, Raja Sahib helped hundreds of young Muslims obtain employment.

He also helped scores of students with books and other educational needs.

While I was working in the office of Sach, many students regularly came there, and Raja Sahib helped them whenever and however he could.

One of them was Ali Muhammad of Chhoch, Kotli tehsil, who was studying in the tenth class.

He actually lived with me in the office of Sach.

Raja Sahib met all his expenses, raising the necessary money through contributions from charitable people.

Murtaza Sahib of Panyam was another person who advanced in education with Raja Sahib’s encouragement and practical assistance.

There were countless other students who, according to the writer, were able to obtain an education because of Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan’s kindness, encouragement and support.

Muhammad Yusuf Nazim

Inayatullah Shams Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

I was a seventh-class student at Middle School Nowshera when the incident I am about to describe took place.

The source gives the date as 1947 Bikrami.

I was still a child and knew nothing about politics.

I only knew that these political leaders were constantly being discussed among the people.

I had a strong desire to see them with my own eyes and hear their speeches.

Winter had begun.

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan travelled from Srinagar, crossing the snow-covered Pir Panjal mountains, and reached Rajouri. He sent word to the leading people of Nowshera asking them to arrange a public meeting.

According to the memoirist, the news created great anxiety among sections of the local Hindu population.

A strange silence descended.

Faces appeared worried and dejected.

I, however, welcomed the arrival of the leaders.

The people were desperate to hear Raja Sahib speak, like a fish struggling out of water.

Their hopes and excitement were attached to his arrival. After completing the difficult journey from Rajouri on foot, Raja Sahib reached Nowshera at night.

The Headmaster Tries To Keep The Students Away

When Headmaster Chaman Lal heard about the meeting, the memoirist says that, because of his communal prejudice, he consulted the Hindu teachers that night and arranged a school excursion four miles away.

The following morning, during prayers, he announced the excursion.

Muslim students formed the majority in the school.

They responded almost unanimously

“We condemn your programme because it has been arranged against our wishes.”

The Muslim teachers were astonished by this reaction.

The Headmaster accused them

“All of you are behind this. I shall take action.”

The writer reflects on how deeply people feared the autocratic government.

Seeing the helpless position of their Muslim teachers, the students eventually agreed to go.

The Muslim teachers reassured them that once they had reached the excursion destination, they could return and attend the political meeting, after which the teachers' responsibility for them would have ended.

Encouraged by this, the students set off.

But their hopes were soon shattered.

They felt as though the sky had fallen upon them.

When they questioned the Hindu teachers, they were told

“Our Hindu leaders are also with these people. But Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan delivers rebellious speeches, and that is intolerable.”

Hearing this only increased the students' excitement.

They had never previously had an opportunity like this. “ANY STUDENT WHO ATTENDS WILL BE EXPELLED” Eventually they reached the excursion destination.

There, the Muslim students began openly agitating against the Headmaster's decision.

Realising what they intended to do, the Headmaster announced

“Any student who attends the political meeting will be expelled from the school.”

The writer recalls a poetic line

Before the madness of love, all precautions are powerless. The students rebelled against the order.

After considerable effort, they reached the meeting place and raised the cry

“Allahu Akbar!”

By the time they arrived, Maulvi Abdullah Sahib, Sardar Budh Singh, Comrade Trilok and Babu Jagannath had already spoken.

The stage secretary then announced

“Raja Sahib will now address the gathering.”

The students responded enthusiastically

“Long live Raja Sahib!”

Raja Akbar At Nowshera

I had a particular attachment to Raja Sahib, so I moved closer to the platform.

He was dressed in a khaddar kurta and pyjamas, with an ordinary coat and a cap on his head.

His stature and the majesty visible upon his youthful face were such that, in the memoirist's recollection, the entire audience seemed overawed by his presence.

He roared like a lion

“It grieves me to see the methods this imperial system is using to turn our coming generation into slaves.”

He strongly condemned Chaman Lal and criticised what he described as the unjust treatment of Muslim students.

At that moment Chaman Lal appeared and said

“This is the school ground. You cannot hold a public meeting here.”

The Confrontation With Chaman Lal

The memoirist says Raja Sahib's reply remained engraved in his memory.

According to his recollection, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan said

“Chaman Lal! It is only because you are from Mirpur that I hold back; otherwise I, Muhammad Akbar, would put you to the sword.

“This land belongs to me. It does not belong to your Hari Singh.

“If you value your life, get out of my sight. Otherwise, it will not be well for you.

“God willing, the day is not far away when Hari Singh's government will disappear from the face of the earth.” These are the memoirist's recollection of Raja Sahib's words, including their threatening language.

The Meeting Erupts

The emotions of this dervish-like political fighter erupted, the writer says, like lightning.

The meeting ground descended into uproar.

According to his account, the police withdrew to a distance for their own safety, while frightened Hindu residents climbed onto the roofs of houses.

Bakshi Thakur Das, Naib Tehsildar, was informed that Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan should be arrested.

The Naib Tehsildar reportedly replied

“What power do I have to do that? Even Maharaja Hari Singh is unable to arrest him.”

Eventually Sher-e-Kashmir placed both hands upon Raja Sahib's shoulders, and his anger subsided.

Looking back upon the events that followed, the memoirist concludes

“Glory be to God! Raja Sahib's words were fulfilled exactly. The tyrannical power disappeared for ever.”

That final statement is the memoirist's retrospective interpretation of the end of Dogra rule.

Inayatullah Shams

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His Contemporaries

Sheikh Fazl Alam Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar

During the winter of 1993 Bikrami, preparations were under way in Mirpur for a special session of the Muslim Conference, intended to intensify the popular freedom movement.

The great leader of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, Quaid-e- Kashmir Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas, was to address the session. Money was needed for the arrangements and other expenses. The only real source of funds was contributions from ordinary people, and it was impossible to meet all the expenses with the small amount available.

A few days before the Muslim Conference session, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan, that distinguished son of Mirpur and selfless leader of the Kashmir freedom struggle, came to see me.

He was dressed in a simple khaddar shirt and worn-out shoes. He appeared completely absorbed in the fulfilment of some important responsibility.

After greeting me, he reached into the inside pocket of his simple waistcoat and took out a gold necklace.

He said

“Sheikh Sahib, all the Muslim moneylenders and jagirdars have formed a united front to suppress our movement. “We cannot obtain enough contributions, and we possess no property that can be sold to intensify the organisational activities of the Muslim Conference and bring the goal of freedom nearer.

“This is the only piece of jewellery my wife possesses. She has treasured it as her most precious possession since our marriage.

“I cannot simply sell it, because it is a reminder of the youth that the two of us sacrificed long ago for the cause of freedom.

“Keep this gold necklace safely with you and lend me 101 rupees as an interest-free loan against it, so that I may present a purse containing this amount to Quaid-e-Kashmir at the meeting.

“I shall repay your loan very soon.”**

I kept the gold necklace and obtained 101 rupees from my respected elder brother, Haji Sheikh Muhammad Alam, which I gave to Raja Sahib.

A few days later, the session concluded successfully.

The day after the meeting ended, Raja Sahib returned. He placed the money on the table and asked for the necklace.

I returned the gold necklace to him, but I also pushed the 101 rupees back towards him.

Raja Sahib objected

“I took this money as an interest-free loan. You should keep it.”

I explained that my elder brother had actually given the money as a contribution to the Muslim Conference, not as a loan. After considerable hesitation, Raja Sahib confirmed this with Haji Sahib himself and only then agreed to take back the necklace.

The writer concludes

It was through the selfless and disinterested sacrifices of people such as these that we were able to breathe at least some air of freedom.

“HE PRESENTED HIMSELF FOR ARREST LIKE A MAN OF STRUGGLE”

In 1994 Bikrami, at a huge public meeting, Raja Sahib not only subjected the Dogra Government to severe criticism but urged the people to overthrow autocratic rule.

What a speech it was!

It seemed as though the people might immediately rush towards the Maharaja’s palaces and set them on fire, and that the days of the Maharaja and his supporters were numbered. As a result, a warrant was issued for Raja Sahib’s arrest under Section 124, on the charge of spreading rebellion.

I sent one of my officials to serve the warrant upon him.

Raja Sahib was attending another public meeting at the time.

He told the official

“I have no objection to being arrested here. But if you arrest me in this place, the people will become agitated and you may find yourselves in serious difficulty.

“Let me finish this meeting. I shall come to you myself shortly afterwards.”

And that is exactly what he did.

After the meeting, Raja Sahib went to the police station and

presented himself for arrest like a true man of struggle. Sheikh Fazl Alam

Muhammad Hayat Ali Chishti Remembers Raja

I first became acquainted with the late Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan when he was employed in a bank and I was teaching Arabic and Persian to students in my village, Ratta.

Raja Sahib frequently visited me.

We would discuss and debate Islamic questions, particularly the subject of jihad.

I generally gave him books by Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi and by my spiritual guide of Golra to read.

He studied them with great enthusiasm.

His Understanding Of Religion And Human Life

Raja Sahib was deeply attracted to the great Sufis, but he did not have the same admiration for those who withdrew completely from ordinary life or lived in a state of mystical absorption.

He would say

“God created the human being in this world as His vicegerent and blessed humanity with dignity, honour and reason.

“He gave human beings the distinction of being the noblest of creation.

“He openly permitted people to eat, drink, travel, have children and make use of things that are beneficial.

“He also provided humanity with knowledge of those things that are harmful.

“The Prophets were sent as complete examples for humanity. None of those great personalities abandoned the world or withdrew from human life in a state of mystical absorption.

“We should therefore follow the path of those righteous people and Sufis who fulfilled the requirements of worldly life while also carrying out their religious responsibilities.”**

He said to me many times

“Pray that God gives me the courage and strength to perform some deed that can truly be called service.”

And when the time came, Raja Sahib proved himself a genuine and devoted servant of the people.

He observed the requirements of the Shariah and made service to humanity the central purpose of his life.

The writer believed that in every sphere of his life Raja Sahib presented a practical example of his understanding of Islam.

Religion Without Display

Together with the late Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi, Raja Sahib carried out many communal, religious and national services. Without worldly greed or desire for personal gain, he kept before him what he understood as seeking the pleasure of God and following the example of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ. The marriage of his daughter was conducted, according to the memoirist, strictly according to Islamic principles:

There was no ostentation or display, no drums or music, and no singing.

Only a limited number of close, sincere friends and those considered entitled to be present were invited.

Reconciling People Rather Than Sending Them To Court

Raja Sahib would meet people who had become trapped in litigation and court proceedings purely for the sake of helping them.

In simple language, he would explain to both sides what they stood to gain and what they stood to lose.

He would continue until the disputing parties reached a settlement.

Raja Sahib was also highly respected in the courts.

On many occasions, the courts themselves appointed him to mediate and resolve disputes.

He would approach this responsibility seriously and reach settlements that, according to the memoirist, both parties willingly accepted.

The account concludes with a prayer that God grant the late Raja Sahib, his companions and his people a place in Paradise, and guide those still living along the right path.

Muhammad Hayat Ali Chishti

Professor Muhammad Murtaza Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

In December 1945, a case concerning cow slaughter was registered against me, my brother and several other relatives. When Raja Sahib and his associates learned about it, they made considerable efforts to help us.

Master Roshan Lal was particularly active.

On Raja Sahib’s instructions, Master Roshan Lal and I travelled to Nowshera.

The animal hide had been sent there for examination because confidence had been lost in Raja Shah Wali, who was the Veterinary Officer in Mirpur.

The report from Nowshera stated that the hide had become too old for a reliable examination to be carried out.

After obtaining this report, we travelled to Akhnoor, where we spent the night at the home of Master Roshan Lal’s sister.

We then went to Jammu.

There we stayed with Abdul Khaliq Ansari and Raja Shah Wali. Later, Raja Sahib and Maulana Siakhvi also arrived to meet Chaudhry Feroz Din, the head of the Veterinary Department. With considerable difficulty, we eventually succeeded in escaping the case.

The writer comments

“From this incident, you can judge the extent to which Raja Sahib and Maulana Siakhvi worked to overcome religious hostility.”

Disagreement With His Own Comrades On Religious Questions

Raja Sahib was also prepared to disagree firmly with his own political associates on religious matters.

When Dr Khan Sahib’s daughter married Maharaj Singh, Haji Wahabuddin praised the marriage.

Raja Sahib and Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi disagreed with him and made speeches opposing his position.

A dispute then developed through the newspapers.

According to Professor Murtaza, this episode later became one of the causes of disagreement between Haji Wahabuddin and Raja Sahib’s circle.

Professor Muhammad Murtaza

Chaudhry Abdul Rahim Remembers His First Encounter With Raja Akbar

As a boy, my occupation was herding camels.

One day, while grazing them between Panyam and Mola, I saw four or five men at Gadheri-wali Pabbi.

They appeared very unusual to me.

One was Sardar Budh Singh.

Another was Comrade Trilok Chand.

The third was Master Roshan Lal.

The fourth was Raja Akbar.

The fifth was Chaudhry Rahm Ali of Mola.

At that time, Rahm Ali was the only one of them I knew.

Raja Sahib called me over with great kindness and courtesy. I sat down and listened to their conversation.

One word kept appearing again and again

“Revolution.”

It was the first time in my life that I had ever heard that word. I gave them milk from my she-camels and fed them millet bread.

Afterwards they told me

“We shall come again tomorrow.”

When I met them the following day, they said

“Tomorrow we are going to be imprisoned. We shall present ourselves for arrest in Mirpur.”

They were subsequently arrested by Raja Iqbal Khan.

When I saw them under arrest in Mirpur, the sight made a deep impression upon me.

“YOU ARE DYING RUBBING YOUR HEELS—WHAT IF YOU DIE FOR YOUR RIGHTS?”

After serving three years in prison, Raja Sahib returned.

I went to see him and accompanied him to his home.

Raja Sahib owned land at Pan Gadheri, where he was carrying wheat.

I joined him and helped carry the wheat.

Gradually, our friendship grew.

Later, I also travelled with him to Srinagar by way of Shopian. At that time, Chaudhry Fazl Ilahi, the zaildar of Panyam, was inflicting considerable oppression upon the local people. Together with Raja Sahib, we began thinking about how these abuses could be stopped.

Raja Sahib said to me

“You are going to die anyway, rubbing your heels in helplessness. What would be so terrible if you died fighting for your rights?”

Chaudhry Abdul Rahim

Chaudhry Muhammad Khan Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

We always saw Raja Sahib fighting against oppressors.

He could not tolerate even the smallest injustice.

At Sukh Chain Pur police station, a police officer committed an abuse against a woman.

Raja Sahib brought the matter onto the public platform and refused to remain silent until the police officer was punished. Similarly, when Tehsildar Partab began mistreating the people at Sain da Amb, Raja Sahib rose against him and helped the local people obtain relief from his abuses.

At Dadyal, he confronted Godar Singh, a revenue officer, over allegations of coercion, mistreatment and bribery.

Raja Sahib told him openly

“Dadyal is not a grazing ground for government officers.” According to the memoirist, while Raja Sahib was present, members of the ruling establishment did not dare suppress poor and powerless people so easily.

Celebrating The Birth Of A Sweeper’S Son

When Karan Singh was born, orders were issued that celebrations should be held in the prison.

Raja Sahib protested.

He declared

“I shall celebrate the birth of Jumma Bhangi’s son instead.”

When a son was subsequently born to Jumma, Raja Sahib distributed sweets and prayed for the child’s long life.

The writer says Raja Sahib spread this same spirit of rebellion against hierarchy and oppression among the people throughout the area.

The Women Who Sang Against Hari Singh’S Rule

On one occasion, Maharaja Hari Singh was travelling on an excursion.

As he passed along the road at Jagwan, local women sang

Wah Maharaje ne rajje ki,

Kumariyan sikan daaje ki,

Te wahiyan tarsan anaaje ki.

The memoir provides the meaning

“What a wonderful rule the Maharaja has!

Unmarried girls long for dowries,

And married women long for grain.”

The courage of the women in singing such words astonished Hari Singh.

“RAJA BUTA”

In the Andarhal area, a wealthy man named Harhans Singh once gathered local Sikhs and told them

“Call me Raja.”

When Raja Sahib and Maulana Siakhvi heard about this, they responded by beginning to call Buta, a potter, “Raja Buta.”

Raja Sahib personally tied the ceremonial turban on Buta’s head.

Maulana Siakhvi would say

“I made him a Raja.”

They strongly disliked titles associated with arrogance, pride and social superiority.

Such titles angered them, and they expressed their opposition to them in different ways.

“LET MY BODY SERVE HUMANITY EVEN AFTER MY DEATH”

Shortly before his death, Raja Sahib reportedly told his doctor

“I want you to preserve any part of my body that may be useful to another person, so that even after my death my physical existence may continue to serve humanity.” Chaudhry Muhammad Khan

Haider Shah Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Raja Sahib and I were both employed in co-operative banks, so we met from time to time.

On one occasion, while we were preparing the annual statement in the office of the Assistant Registrar, Raja Sahib took me aside and asked:

“This work involving interest that we are doing—is it lawful or unlawful?”

The question was clearly troubling his conscience.

A few months later, I learned that he had resigned from his employment.

After resigning, he joined the Muslim Conference.

Political Differences Did Not Have To End Personal Co- Operation

When the National Conference was established, Raja Sahib came to Bhimber with Sardar Budh Singh to organise the new party.

They stayed at my house.

I disagreed with the establishment of the National Conference and told Raja Sahib so.

He replied

“You should remain in the Muslim Conference. We have no objection to that.

“The most fundamental thing is to serve the people and to continue the struggle against the oppressive Dogra Government.”

And so, even though we belonged to different political parties, we remained close to one another.

No Compromise With Dogra Rule

Raja Sahib was prepared to tolerate almost anything, but he did not believe in making any kind of compromise with the Dogra Government.

Whenever somebody confronted that Government, Raja Sahib was delighted.

On one occasion, the Government offered Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas an appointment as a Sub-Judge.

Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas rejected the offer.

When Raja Sahib heard what Abbas had done, his happiness knew no bounds.

He greatly praised him for taking that stand.

In every speech, Raja Sahib openly attacked the Dogra Government and those who supported it, particularly the jagirdars and zaildars.

He exposed what he regarded as their abuses and arbitrary practices before the public.

Haider Shah

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His

Ghazi Muhammad Ismail Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

I had a small hotel at Chowk Loharan in Mirpur, directly opposite Raja Sahib’s office.

For about two and a half years, Raja Sahib came to my hotel for his meals. He would often sit on the floor to eat.

I never saw him eating anything particularly fine or expensive. He simply ate whatever was available.

But he never failed to help the poor.

On one occasion, a poor man came from the Plahal area. Raja Sahib borrowed from someone and gave the man two maunds of wheat.

He also participated in the processions organised by the sweepers.

In his eyes, there was no distinction between high and low. He respected everyone and, indeed, showed particular concern for those regarded as belonging to the lower social classes.

In Mirpur, Raja Sahib helped the sweepers secure acceptance of several of their demands.

Ghazi Muhammad Ismail

Dr Yaqub Bhatti Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

When I first saw Raja Sahib in 1931, I was only a small child. At that age I could not properly understand what was happening. I retain only a vague impression in my mind of Raja Sahib making speeches and people raising slogans.

From 1942 onwards, I occasionally had opportunities to meet him.

Raja Sahib used to visit my brother, Fazl Din Bhatti, and it was there that I met him.

During that period, I came to realise that Raja Sahib was engaged in a struggle against anyone who deceived and exploited ordinary people.

He was also a strong opponent of fraudulent pirs.

He even confronted Syed Sardar Shah of Fatehpur, openly condemning those of his actions that Raja Sahib considered contrary to the Shariah.

His Final Journey To Srinagar For Treatment

During the final period of his life, when Raja Sahib was seriously ill, he intended to go to Kashmir for treatment.

I suggested that he should go to Multan, but he did not agree. I was therefore among those who accompanied him to Srinagar.

Raja Sahib travelled to Srinagar via Rawalpindi.

He received treatment from Surjit Singh and lived in a rented house in Batmaloo.

After spending a few days in Srinagar, Raja Sahib said

“See, Srinagar has already had its effect. I am getting better.”

I disagreed and urged him to continue trying to have the underlying problem treated. Merely draining the fluid, I said, was not enough; the important thing was to stop the fluid from accumulating.

He remained in Srinagar for about a month and a half, and then returned by way of Jammu.

Afterwards, I continued visiting him in the village.

A few days before his death, he told me

“My son, I have told my wife and children that anyone who comes to my funeral should eat before coming.”

When I arrived after his death, thousands of people had gathered.

There was not a single empty space along the road.

Dr Yaqub Bhatti

Raja Nur Ali Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

I met Raja Sahib after his release from prison.

Looking at his health, I jokingly asked

“Raja Sahib, can you recommend some remedy for putting on weight?”

He smiled and replied

“Go to prison and you too will put on weight.”

During a meeting at Basohli, I told him that I was considering resigning from government employment.

Raja Sahib advised me not to resign.

He said

“Through your work, you can serve humanity even more than the saints can. Continue doing your job honestly and help poor people in every possible way.”

Raja Nur Ali

Raja Firoz Khan Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar

I remember very clearly that on one occasion Raja Sahib was sitting with my respected father when a message arrived from his home saying that they had run out of soap for washing clothes.

Raja Sahib told the messenger

“Why do you need soap? There are millet stalks available. Collect their ashes and wash the clothes with them. There is no need to buy soap.”

On another occasion, my father gave him an expensive French overcoat.

Raja Sahib put it on and went into the bazaar.

There he saw a man shivering from the cold.

Raja Sahib immediately took off the coat and gave it to him.

When he returned, he told my father

“Doctor Sahib, I met a man on the road, so I gave the coat to him.”

Whenever he saw someone in need, he was prepared to give that person whatever he possessed.

Once, while travelling to Nowshera, he saw a man walking barefoot.

Raja Sahib removed his own shoes and gave them to him.

He then continued to Nowshera barefoot himself.

When he arrived there, one of his friends bought him another pair of shoes.

Raja Sahib was, in the writer’s words, compassion personified. Raja Firoz Khan

Raja Masood Khan Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Our village, Mahmunpur, had been a stronghold of the freedom movement since 1931.

Several people were arrested there in 1931, most of them members of our family.

Because of this tradition of resistance, Raja Sahib had great affection for our family.

He would sometimes stay for several days at our home with my father, Raja Sajawal Khan.

A number of political meetings were held there, attended in large numbers by people from the surrounding area.

Raja Sajawal Khan was also among the leading people who provided financial support to Sach.

Building A Dam With Their Own Hands

Raja Sahib and Sardar Budh Singh had an extraordinary passion for public service.

Travellers faced great difficulties at Pattan Gatalian.

Seeing their hardship, Raja Sahib and Sardar Budh Singh decided that a small embankment should be constructed through collective self-help.

It was agreed that

every person should carry one hundred stones to the site and leave them there.

Raja Sahib and Sardar Budh Singh themselves carried stone after stone.

They remained there until, after seven days, the small embankment had been completed.

Only then did they leave.

Their method of working was remarkable.

They could not rest until some work for the public good had been completed.

Their welfare activities were countless.

Raja Masood Khan

Raja Lahrasp Khan, Advocate, Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Whenever Raja Sahib travelled to Srinagar, he would take the opportunity to visit us.

My respected father, Raja Ali Shan, was a DFO. We lived in Mohalla Abi Guzar, adjoining Lal Mandi.

We occupied the upper floor of Lala Sheikh Manzil, while the office of Mian Ahmad Yar, Advocate, was downstairs.

When Raja Sahib travelled to Srinagar to attend the annual session at Sopore, he stayed with Mian Ahmad Yar.

He was accompanied by Maulvi Abdul Ghani Dandewale, Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi, Maulvi Altaf, Maulvi Mumtaz—the sons of Maulana Siakhvi—and Chaudhry Fazl Ilahi Arain of village Jhang.

Maulana Siakhvi took me along with them.

“HERE COMES THE LEADER OF US RAJAS”

During their stay in Srinagar, Raja Sahib once came upstairs from Mian Ahmad Yar’s office to visit us.

At that time, Raja Muhammad Sarwar Khan, a retired Revenue Officer from Poonch who lived in Baramulla, was staying with us after undergoing an eye operation in Srinagar.

I was sitting with Raja Sarwar when Raja Akbar Sahib entered.

Seeing him, Raja Muhammad Sarwar jokingly remarked

“Well, here comes the leader of us Rajas!

“Look at him: torn shoes on his feet, khaddar pyjamas, a khaddar kurta and an old cap.

“Other leaders have palaces and motor cars.”

Raja Sahib simply smiled.

He cared nothing for such things.

The Funeral Prayer At Barbani

On one occasion at Barbani, the question arose as to who should lead a funeral prayer.

The condition proposed was that the prayer should be led by a person of impeccable moral character.

When even the prominent religious scholars found themselves uncertain over the matter, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan led the funeral prayer.

Raja Lahrasp Khan, Advocate

Malik Allah Ditta Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

My brother, Malik Fazl Ahmad Comrade, was one of Raja Sahib’s comrades.

Among those arrested in the Khari area in 1931 was Malik Fazl Ahmad.

He and Raja Sahib were together in prison.

At that time, even the food for Muslim prisoners was prepared by Hindus.

My brother protested.

He demanded that the Muslim prisoners should have a separate kitchen and that their food should be prepared by Muslims.

Malik Fazl Ahmad brought three other prisoners into the protest with him: Hakim Khan, Bata Khan and Allah Dad.

For this protest, Fazl Ahmad was locked in a separate cell and given eighteen seers of wheat to grind.

He was threatened with being shot.

But Fazl Ahmad replied

“Death is better than this kind of life.”

In anger, he eventually broke the grinding millstone.

The Prisoners Refuse Government Food

Fazl Ahmad and his companions roasted chickpeas for themselves.

Raja Sahib provided the fire with which the chickpeas were roasted.

They survived by eating these chickpeas and refused to accept the prison food.

Raja Sahib was so impressed by Malik Fazl Ahmad’s courage that he somehow managed to send a letter to Sher-e-Kashmir, who was himself under detention at the time.

According to this memoir, Sher-e-Kashmir replied

“Help this prisoner. If he is harmed, we shall bring the whole structure crashing down.”

Following discussions between Raja Akbar and Sher-e-Kashmir, it was decided that Malik Fazl Ahmad should submit an application and an effort should be made to have Raja Afzal act as adjudicator.

Malik Fazl Ahmad refused to give his statement before a Hindu judge.

After eighteen days, Raja Afzal came personally to record his statement.

Even then, Malik Fazl Ahmad refused to leave his cell.

Raja Afzal Khan said

“I am the Governor. Open the door.”

Malik Fazl Ahmad expressed his suspicion

“I fear that I may be shot.”

Only after Raja Afzal Khan gave him assurances did he provide a sworn statement.

The treatment Malik Fazl Ahmad experienced in prison, and Raja Sahib’s support for him, created such a deep bond between the two men that Fazl Ahmad remained with Raja Sahib throughout his life.

The writer remarks

“Whoever came close to Raja Sahib became devoted to him.”

Public Welfare As Political Work

Raja Sahib took a particular interest in public welfare.

There was a severe shortage of water at Ban Khurman, so he had a pond constructed there.

He was particularly active in addressing the problems of poorer sections of society.

At Teen Gatalian and Teen Dadyal, a toll of four annas was being charged.

Raja Sahib negotiated with the contractor and District Board officials to reduce the charge.

It was eventually agreed that, under normal circumstances, the toll would be reduced to one anna.

He also campaigned to reduce the fare between Mirpur and Chichian, and through his efforts the fare was lowered.

Standing Against Official Abuses

Whenever Raja Sahib learned that an official was abusing his authority, he made every effort to have the injustice remedied. Pandit Munshi Ram, DFO Jhelum, was accused of mistreating his subordinates.

Raja Sahib organised public meetings against these abuses and succeeded in having him transferred.

Munshi Ram then brought a case against Khawaja Azim, Ranger, had his promotion stopped and arranged his transfer to Kashmir.

Raja Sahib intervened on Khawaja Azim’s behalf.

His promotion was restored and he eventually became a DFO. When Pandit Munshi Ram again caused difficulties for him, Raja Sahib warned Devi Sar, the Conservator, after which, according to the memoirist, attempts to harm Khawaja Azim ceased.

Raja Sahib was always ready to break the power of an oppressor and help the oppressed.

Malik Allah Ditta

Khawaja Syed Muhammad Remembers Raja

For several years I worked as a teacher in Abdullahpur Chamahal.

During that period, I had the opportunity to observe Raja Sahib closely.

A number of incidents from his life remain engraved upon my memory.

There is one in particular that I can never forget.

The Wood From The Khanqah

At Fatehpur, Chamahal, there was a khanqah associated with Sardar Ali Shah.

It was commonly known as the Halaiyan-wali Khanqah.

The place was held in such respect that people would not cut even a small twig from its trees to use as a miswak.

On one occasion, however, Sardar Ali Shah had enough wood cut from the khanqah to load two or three camels, intending to use it for his langar.

To silence public criticism, he said

“My father ordered this.”

Raja Sahib generally travelled at night.

When he heard what had happened, he walked to the village during the night, arriving around the time of Tahajjud, where Sardar Ali Shah was staying.

Raja Sahib went to him and said

“Your respected father did not allow me to sleep last night. “He ordered me: ‘A robber is cutting wood from the khanqah. Stop him.’

“In accordance with his instruction, I am sending the watchman to the police station to register a report.”** Several people intervened and persuaded Raja Sahib not to proceed with the complaint.

It was eventually agreed that Sardar Ali Shah would pay the value of the timber and that the money would be sent to an orphanage.

When the money was received, Raja Sahib completed the necessary form and sent Ashraf, the watchman, to remit it by money order.

Settling Disputes Without The Courts

Between 1940 and 1945, I did not see a single dispute from Chamahal go to court.

One major reason was that Raja Sahib had accustomed the villagers to resolving their disputes through discussion and mutual settlement.

Another characteristic that deeply impressed me was that Raja Sahib was never overawed by anyone’s office, rank or status. Even when Afzal Beg, Sheikh Abdullah or government ministers visited him, he would offer them millet bread.

He made no special arrangements for important personalities. Khawaja Syed Muhammad

Fazl Haq Qureshi Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

It was probably in 1939 that Sher-e-Kashmir Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah came to Mirpur with two companions. One was Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz. I have forgotten the name of the other.

At the gathering, Raja Sahib introduced Bazaz.

In doing so, he particularly emphasised that

Bazaz had given up a life of wealth and comfort for the sake of poor people.

The memory of that gathering remains clearly impressed upon my mind.

But there is another incident that I have never forgotten.

The Mirpur Sweepers’ Strike

The sweepers of Mirpur were employees of the Mirpur Municipal Committee.

For working continuously from morning until evening for an entire month, they were paid only eight rupees a month.

They were not even granted annual leave.

Driven by these conditions, they demanded an increase in wages.

Nobody listened to them.

Their association therefore decided to go on strike.

The people running the Municipal Committee threatened

If the sweepers went on strike, every one of them would be dismissed.

On that very day, the sweepers informed Raja Sahib of the notice.

A public meeting was held that same night.

There, Raja Sahib thundered against the Municipal Committee.

The writer remembers his words approximately as follows

“These poor and helpless sweepers have virtually crawled on their stomachs to ask for enough bread to live on. Yet the members of the Committee have not moved an inch. They have not paid the slightest attention.

“Instead, they have threatened these people with dismissal.

“By making this threat, they have put their finger into your mouth to find out whether you have any teeth. “Friends! Bite their finger and prove that there are teeth in our mouths.

“Do not show any weakness, otherwise the result will be the opposite of what you seek.

“For

The Judge of Destiny has decreed this since eternity:

The punishment for the crime of weakness is sudden death. “Stand firmly by your association’s decision to strike.

“And you, the masters of the Committee, who at this very moment are comfortably stretched out upon your warm, soft beds—listen!

“O wind, carry my voice to their ears!

“If the demands of these poor people are not considered worthy of attention, then remember

If a field cannot provide the cultivator with his livelihood, Burn every ear of wheat growing in that field.

“The walls of the Municipal Committee will be shaken. Its structure will be brought crashing down, brick by brick, and the insignificant sparrow will be made to confront the falcon. “Friends! If you remain steadfast and stand firmly by your decision, then believe me: the stench and filth accumulating in the city will eventually force all its residents to put pressure upon the Committee.

“Then these people will be forced to kneel before you. “May Allah keep you steadfast. Amen.”**

The Strike Succeeds

Raja Sahib’s words had their effect.

The sweepers went on strike.

Within only two or three days, their wages were increased. They were also granted the right to take officially approved holidays during the year.

Fazl Haq Qureshi

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan — In the Eyes of His Contemporaries

Chaudhry Pannu Khan Shaiq Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Raja Sahib was a close friend of my respected father, and because of this I also had opportunities to see him and listen to him.

On one occasion, my father prepared an elaborate meal in his honour.

Raja Sahib looked at it and remarked

“This will spoil my habits.”

The poverty and self-denial that we read about in books were embodied in him.

He would rather go hungry than ask anyone for food.

He was an extremely simple man. Service to humanity was the central purpose of his life.

“WHAT USE IS PRACTICE TO AN ARMY THAT DOES NOT FIGHT?”

On one occasion, the late Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi was sitting in our guest room and remarked

“Acts of worship are practice for jihad.”

Raja Sahib responded

“Maulana, what use is practice to an army that does not fight?”

Raja Sahib placed greater emphasis upon action than upon words.

It was because of the way he actually lived his life that he commanded such enormous respect, and because of this people responded to his call to action.

The lives of both Raja Sahib and Sardar Budh Singh were entirely consistent with the ideas they preached.

That was why both men developed such a wide circle of influence.

Speaking To Ordinary People In Their Own Language

During the later period of his political life, Raja Sahib increasingly spoke in very simple Pahari rather than Urdu, so that his message could be understood by ordinary people.

His words went directly to their hearts.

He frequently recited this couplet

The narrow-minded ascetic considered me an unbeliever, While the unbeliever thought that I was a Muslim.

Raja Sahib was a strict observer of fasting and prayer.

There was no contradiction between what he preached and the way he lived.

His lifestyle was simple—although complete indifference to material comforts would perhaps describe it more accurately. Chaudhry Pannu Khan Shaiq

Maulana Muhammad Yusuf Palandri Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

The late Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi and the late Raja Akbar Khan were very close friends.

I also had cordial relations with both of them.

In 1945, I was selected as a representative from Kashmir to attend a session of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind.

On my journey, I stopped in Mirpur.

There I met Raja Sahib and spent the night with him.

The late Raja Sahib was a leader who felt deeply the suffering and concerns of his people and his country.

I was greatly impressed by his political understanding and his public services.

It is regrettable that he died before what the writer describes as the Kashmir jihad that began in 1947.

But it remains the writer's view that Raja Sahib had played a fundamental role in the movements that had been conducted in Kashmir for its freedom.

He was an exceptionally sincere friend and deeply concerned for the welfare of his community.

From Mirpur he published the weekly newspaper Sach, which carried powerful articles advocating the freedom of Kashmir. Maulana Muhammad Yusuf Palandri

Sardar Mukhtar Khan Remembers Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was a prominent leader of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference.

He was a living example of courage and fearlessness, sincerity and simplicity, selflessness and sacrifice.

The Fifth Annual Session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was due to be held in the city of Poonch, with Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah presiding.

In preparation for this session, the late Raja Sahib was conducting a campaign of public contact and mobilisation in Mirpur and Kotli.

From there, on 25 Baisakh 1994 Bikrami, he addressed a public meeting in Rawalakot.

Raja Akbar'S Speech At Rawalakot

Raja Sahib appealed to the people of Rawalakot to attend the annual session of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference in Poonch on 1, 2 and 3 Jeth 1994 Bikrami.

He urged them to make the conference successful as part of the struggle

to free themselves from the oppression of the Dogra Government and to secure the right to live with dignity in their own country.

Raja Sahib's speech was so passionate, heartfelt and powerful that large numbers of people immediately announced that they would attend the session and began making preparations for the journey.

I myself decided to participate in the Poonch session because I had been so deeply affected by that speech.

A Sixteen-Year-Old Listener

I did not actually have an opportunity to meet Raja Sahib personally.

Nevertheless, I was profoundly impressed by his appearance and his manner of speaking.

Filled with admiration for him, I moved forward hoping to meet him.

But Raja Sahib was surrounded by a large group of older men, and my sense of modesty prevented me from approaching him. At that time, I was only about sixteen or seventeen years old. In those days, a young person of my age could not walk boldly into a gathering of elders in the way young people commonly do today.

For this reason, I could not even express my admiration to Raja Sahib.

He departed surrounded by that gathering of elderly men. “HIS SINCERITY AND DEVOTION REMAIN ENGRAVED ON MY MIND”

I saw Raja Sahib again at the Poonch session, but once again I was unable to meet him.

Because of my young age and because I was merely an ordinary political volunteer, I did not have the courage to approach him and express my admiration.

Yet the sincerity of the late Raja Sahib and his complete devotion to his cause, which I had felt so strongly while listening to his Rawalakot speech, have remained engraved upon my heart and mind to this day.

Sardar Mukhtar Khan, Advocate

Rawalakot

A Shining Star of Kashmir’s Freedom Struggle

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Dr Jameel Ahmad Mir — 30 January 2024

Probably around 1964, the primary, middle and matriculation curriculum in Azad Kashmir was changed and replaced with the curriculum of the Lahore Board. The history of the State of Jammu and Kashmir and its genuine political leaders found little place in this new curriculum. As a result, students studying the history and geography of Azad Jammu and Kashmir learned virtually nothing about Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, Mirza Afzal Beg, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan or K. H. Khurshid.

I spent the first two and a quarter years of my primary education at Mangla Primary School, which was administered by the government of Azad Jammu and Kashmir. When the school building and the surrounding area were taken over by WAPDA, the school was moved elsewhere in March 1958. I still have a faint memory of the history and geography book we studied in the third class, Geography of Jammu and Kashmir. Two months after the school was moved, towards the end of May 1958, I joined the newly established Project High School Mangla. It was administered by WAPDA and affiliated with the Lahore Board.

In 1973, when I was in my fourth year at medical college, I met Raja Khalid Khan in Mangla. At that time, he was headmaster of Mangla Multi High School. We became acquainted, and our meetings continued.

Whenever I met him with my friends, he would speak about his father with tears in his eyes. He would say:

“My father sacrificed his life for this nation, but the nation has completely forgotten him.”

We were puzzled. Who was this man he was talking about? Raja Khalid Khan was the son of Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan. We knew almost nothing about Raja Akbar Khan.

Khalid Khan would often say

“Our new generation has been taught to play with dust and has been diverted from the road to freedom.”

A Mother's Last Message

Raja Khalid Khan's mother became ill. On 15 September 1977, I went to their home to see her. By then, I had qualified as a doctor.

An extremely frail eighty-year-old woman was lying on her deathbed, taking her final breaths. She addressed me:

“Son, you people are young... Kashmir belongs only to the Kashmiris... never let it slip from their hands.”

Her words shook me deeply.

I felt ashamed of my own lack of awareness. This courageous woman, carrying the dream of Kashmir's freedom in her heart, died the following day.

Even as the thread of her life was breaking, she had not forgotten the freedom of Kashmir.

May Allah grant her mercy.

Early Life of Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was born in 1894 in Abdullahpur Chamahal. That village no longer exists on the surface of the land; it was submerged beneath the waters of the Mangla Dam. An unpaved road ran from Mangla village to Mirpur. The distance was about sixteen miles. Until 1960, there was no regular transport such as a bus on this road, and most people travelled on foot.

Running roughly parallel to it, slightly to the north, was a twelve-mile footpath from Mangla to Mirpur. This path crossed hills and valleys.

About two miles from Mangla was the village of Babiam. From there, travellers going to Mirpur turned right. If, instead, one continued north along the River Jhelum, the route passed Thar Chak, Munda and Chhan. Between Chhan and Munda, at Dhangrot, the River Poonch joined the River Jhelum.

A little further north was a ferry crossing on the River Poonch. From there, a route ran east towards Mirpur, passing first through Chamahal and then Kalyal.

From Babiam, the Mirpur route turned right. A little further on, turning left brought a traveller to Barban, about five miles away. Two miles further was Kalyal, and another mile or two to the left stood Chamahal. Mirpur was about four miles from Chamahal.

It was in this village that Raja Akbar Khan, using the political influence of Sheikh Abdullah, persuaded the government to establish a middle school.

As an expression of his admiration for Sheikh Abdullah, Raja Akbar added “Abdullahpur” to the village's name, making it Abdullahpur Chamahal.

I myself visited this school, probably in 1960 or 1961. My uncle, Sufi Lal Muhammad, was its headmaster. The school was actually closer to Kalyal than to Chamahal.

Childhood, Education and Military Service

When Raja Akbar was about seven years old, famine in Kashmir forced his family to leave their village. They settled in Laliani, a village about twenty miles from Sargodha.

He was admitted to a maktab there and received his elementary and religious education. A few years later, the family returned to Chamahal, where they had their ancestral home and land. Raja Akbar continued his education up to middle-school level.

At the age of sixteen, because of his good health, strong physique and height, he was recruited into the Indian Army. During the First World War, he had opportunities to travel to Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

According to the account, witnessing British schemes against Muslim countries created in him a deep hostility towards British colonialism. At the time, movements against British imperial rule were emerging in different places. His opposition to British rule increasingly combined with a desire to end Dogra autocratic rule in Jammu and Kashmir.

An opportunity to express these feelings soon arose.

One day, he was standing on the parade ground with the buttons of his shirt undone and his bootlaces untied. A British major saw him and angrily ordered him to button his shirt and tie his laces.

The resentment that had apparently been building inside Raja Akbar erupted.

He told the Major

“The humiliation and degradation of humanity taking place in this world at the hands of British conspiracies will not disappear simply because I button my shirt or tie my laces. If you are so eager to see the buttons fastened and the laces tied, then fasten them yourself.”

The Major realised that this was no longer simply a matter of military discipline. It had become an act of defiance.

Raja Akbar was dismissed from military service without, according to the account, any formal legal proceedings or punishment.¹

From Government Employment to Politics

After leaving British military service, Raja Akbar tried shopkeeping. He also worked in the Forest Department and later as Head Inspector in the Cooperative Bank, Mirpur.

None of these occupations suited him.

In 1931, following the shooting of Muslims in Srinagar, he resigned from the Cooperative Bank.

In his resignation, he referred to the repression of the Dogra Government and wrote that he did not wish to remain:

“even for a single moment in the employment of such an oppressive government.”

The repression and exploitation associated with Dogra rule had created deep opposition within him. He abandoned his worldly career and entered the difficult world of politics.

His first work was at the local level. In his own village, he tried to end quarrels and litigation and encouraged people to settle their disputes themselves.

Politically, he established contact with A. R. Sagar, Mirza Afzal Beg and Sheikh Abdullah, and remained associated with them throughout his life.

A Politics of Simplicity

Raja Akbar was almost faqir-like in his way of life.

His main means of livelihood was the income from his ancestral land, which was looked after by his father or brothers.

He disliked display and extravagance. He was not impressed by anyone's wealth, office, authority or political power. Simplicity became a defining feature of his life.

He made no special arrangements for food. He ate whatever was available. Even when people such as Mirza Afzal Beg, Sheikh Abdullah or government officials visited him, he felt no embarrassment in serving them millet bread.²

Among his closest companions were Sardar Budh Singh, Trilok Chand, Krishan Dev Sethi, Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi, Haji Wahabuddin, Chaudhry Muhammad Shafi, Abdul Aziz—known as Godri—of Bhalial, and Maulana Abdul Majid Jhelumi.

Raja Akbar Khan was known for his humanity, concern for poor people, courage and fearlessness.

He lived without much concern for tomorrow and seemed unafraid of imprisonment.

Krishan Dev Sethi called him Tair-e-Qafas—“the bird of the cage”, or the bird destined for prison.

He had the courage to speak the truth before even the most powerful people.

When he rose to address a public meeting, the writer says that Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas and Sheikh Abdullah themselves sometimes worried about what disrespectful remark he might make about the Maharaja.

Voluntarily Walking into Arrest

Raja Akbar had a particularly close friendship with Maulana Abdul Majid Malang.

On one occasion, warrants were issued for their arrest and State police searched for them. Police raided several villages and towns but failed to find them.

At the time, they were staying with Maulana Abdul Majid Malang in Mohalla Mistrian, Jhelum.

When the police repeatedly failed to arrest them, they decided to surrender voluntarily.

Raja Akbar and Maulana Malang left on foot from Jhelum towards Raja Akbar's village.

They reached Dina, then continued to Mangla. At the ferry crossing—where the iron bridge over the Jhelum would later be constructed in 1961—they swam across the river.

From Mangla they travelled north along the river, passing Babiam and Thar Chak before reaching Munda.

Raja Akbar left Maulana Malang at the mosque in Munda and went to his own home in Chamahal.

The following day, Maulana Malang reached the main mosque in Mohalla Naloi, Mirpur.

In a forceful speech to worshippers, he described the oppression of the Dogra rulers and urged people to struggle for their rights.

After Friday prayers, police surrounded the area and arrested him.

The following day, Raja Akbar Khan himself set out for Mirpur. As soon as he entered the town, crowds gathered to welcome him. He restrained people from breaking the law and, amid enthusiastic slogans from the crowd, presented himself to the police for arrest.

A Remarkable Exchange with the British Deputy Commissioner When the British Wazir-e-Wazarat—effectively the Deputy Commissioner—saw Maulana Malang, he reportedly said: “You troublesome Maulvi! How have you come from British territory into the State to create trouble here?”

Maulana Malang immediately replied

“And how have you come all the way from Europe to the subcontinent to create trouble here?”

The Deputy Commissioner replied

“Maulvi, our government rules here.”

Maulana responded that the people of Kashmir had long rejected the Treaty of Amritsar

“This country belongs to them. This land is theirs. They are the people produced by this soil. We stand with them in their struggle for their rights.

“You have no right to remain here. You are the foreign troublemakers. Leave this place. You can no longer be permitted to continue your misconduct here.”

Maulana repeated his remarks in English.

According to the account, the Deputy Commissioner became embarrassed, looked around and ordered

“Take the Maulvi away from here.”³

“My Profession Is to Spread Rebellion Against Hari Singh's Tyrannical Rule”

Both men were placed in chains and taken to Jammu.

Before the court, both openly admitted the charge of rebellion. An extraordinary exchange then took place between the judge and Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan.

After asking his name, parentage and place of residence, the judge asked

“What is your profession?”

Raja Akbar replied without hesitation

“To spread rebellion against Hari Singh's tyrannical rule.” The judge and the lawyers present in court were stunned. The accused had described the very offence charged against him as his profession.

Both men were sentenced to two years' imprisonment.

While Raja Akbar was in prison, orders were issued for celebrations to mark the birth of Karan Singh.

Raja Akbar protested

“I shall celebrate the birth of Jumma Bhangi's son instead.” When a son was subsequently born to Jumma, Raja Akbar distributed sweets and prayed for the child's long life. Journalism as Resistance: Himmat and Sach

Before starting his own newspaper Sach from Mirpur, Raja Akbar Khan was editor of Haji Wahabuddin's newspaper Himmat.

Then, in 1940, he launched his own weekly, Sach.

Its Mirpur office became, in the author's description, a centre of resistance against Dogra rule and a refuge for ordinary people who had suffered at the hands of the government.

Shortly before his death in 1946, Raja Akbar transferred the rights to the newspaper to his longstanding colleague Master Roshan Lal Gupta of Pindi Sabharwal.

Roshan Lal moved to Jammu in 1947 and continued publishing Sach from there. The weekly later became a daily newspaper. When Master Roshan Lal became ill, his brother Krishan Lal Gupta became editor in 1995.

At the time Dr Mir wrote this article, the newspaper was still being published under the editorship of Raghunandan Kumar. Sardar Budh Singh: Raja Akbar's Comrade

Among Raja Akbar Khan's closest political companions was Sardar Budh Singh.

Budh Singh was born in Mirpur on 16 May 1884. His father, Anant Ram, was a lawyer and his mother was Sikh.

He matriculated from Government High School Mirpur and continued his education in Jhelum.

At sixteen he married a Sikh woman, Maya Devi.

In 1906 he obtained employment as a clerk in the State administration. During this period, influenced by his Sikh mother, he left Hinduism and adopted Sikhism.

He later became a tehsildar and eventually rose to the position of Wazir-e-Wazarat, equivalent to Deputy Commissioner. Budh Singh and the Early Freedom Movement

The author argues that Sardar Budh Singh can, without exaggeration, be described as one of the pioneers of the freedom movement.

Long before Sheikh Abdullah and Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas emerged as major political leaders, Budh Singh—while still a State employee—was prepared to raise his voice against the government in defence of the rights of the oppressed people of Jammu and Kashmir.

In 1922, while travelling from Jammu to Srinagar, he saw large numbers of labourers who had been seized for begar—compulsory unpaid labour—and forced to work on the road. The sight moved him to tears.

On reaching Srinagar, he addressed two meetings at Hazuri Bagh, protesting against the oppression of poor and largely uneducated Kashmiris.

The protests caused considerable alarm within the Dogra administration.

Budh Singh was acting at a time when very few people dared openly disagree with an autocratic government.

On another occasion, while posted in Kishtwar, Maharaja Pratap Singh planned a visit to the area with his heir, Hari Singh.

Budh Singh was ordered to have the roads repaired through begar.

He refused.

Instead, he wrote to the government asking it to provide proper funds for the work.

Remarkably, the Maharaja's government sent him the requested funds.

Disillusioned by the Dogra administration's treatment of its own subjects, Budh Singh resigned as Wazir-e-Wazarat in 1925.

He also wrote several books and pamphlets, including

Faryad-e-Riayat (The Cry of the Subjects), Mulazmat Ki Zindagi (Life in Government Service), Dihati Zindagi (Rural Life), Kisan Ki Dastan (The Peasant's Story), Insaf Ki Talash (In Search of Justice), and Gharibon Ke Dukh Ka Ilaj (A Remedy for the Sufferings of the Poor).

According to the article, Faryad-e-Riayat and Gharibon Ke Dukh Ka Ilaj were confiscated.

Budh Singh also proposed reforms to improve the condition of peasants: the grazing tax should be abolished completely; land revenue should be reduced by half; and mulberry trees growing on land belonging to landholders should belong to those landholders rather than being claimed by the government without payment.

He openly opposed several Dogra Government policies, including the Arms Act, under which Muslims were not permitted to possess weapons; compulsory teaching of the Hindi script in schools; and discrimination against Muslims in government employment.⁴

Raja Akbar Khan and Budh Singh

The political outlook of Budh Singh and Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was closely aligned, and they were therefore frequently seen together.

On one occasion Budh Singh visited Abdullahpur Chamahal. A close relative of Raja Akbar showed displeasure at seeing him.

When Budh Singh stood to address the gathering, he referred to the Qur'anic description of the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ as:

“a mercy to all the worlds.”

He then said, in effect

“I too seek the shelter of that mercy.”

The tension in the gathering disappeared.⁵

Civil Disobedience and Mahmunpur

The village of Mahmunpur in the Khari area played an important role in the civil-disobedience and non-payment-of-land-revenue movement of 1931–32.

Many members of the village's Rajput community were arrested.

Because of this tradition of resistance, Raja Akbar had great respect for the Rajas of Mahmunpur.

He frequently stayed with Raja Sajawal Khan, who also provided financial support to Sach.

According to Raja Akbar's son Raja Masood Khan, Raja Akbar and Sardar Budh Singh once saw that travellers faced serious difficulties at Gatalian ferry.

They decided to build a small embankment through collective self-help so that people could reach the ferry more easily.

It was agreed that everyone would carry one hundred stones to the site.

Raja Akbar and Budh Singh themselves carried stones and continued working there for seven days.

They left only after the embankment had been completed.

This, the writer says, reflected their distinctive way of working

They could not rest until some useful work for the public had been completed.

“I Cannot Sell My Pen and My Honour”

Master Roshan Lal, Raja Akbar's friend who later took over the editorship of Sach, recalled another incident.

During the month of Jeth, Raja Akbar came on foot from the Gatalian checkpoint to meet him at Pindi Sabharwal, arriving in the afternoon.

Roshan Lal was about to walk to a spring about a furlong away to collect cold water.

Raja Akbar told him

“You know it is Ramadan, and I never miss a fast.”

Roshan Lal replied

“A traveller is exempt from fasting.”

Raja Akbar answered

“The fast is not simply cancelled. It has to be made up later. Instead of keeping it later, I prefer to fast while travelling.”

At that moment, Shri Narayan Das And, a leading landowner of Pindi Sabharwal, also arrived.

During their conversation, he told Raja Akbar

“Raja Akbar, I would like to give you some financial assistance.”

Raja Akbar replied

“Thank you for your sympathy. I will take from you only the few tens of rupees that you owe for two years' subscription to Sach. Nothing more.”

Later, Roshan Lal accompanied Raja Akbar towards the canal and said

“Raja Muhammad Akbar, if you had accepted Narayan's offer, he would have given you a hundred or a hundred and fifty rupees.”

Raja Akbar replied

“I cannot take a hundred and fifty rupees from a capitalist and sell my pen and my honour.”⁶

Walking for the Cause

Raja Akbar regularly travelled on foot from Mirpur to Srinagar and Jammu.

If someone came to him seeking justice or help, he would put aside whatever he was doing and accompany that person. Sadruddin Mujahid recalled that Raja Akbar frequently walked to Srinagar via Shopian to participate in political meetings. He wore simple khaddar clothing and traditional Mirpuri shoes and ate very simple food.

He was respected by friend and opponent alike.

When Raja Akbar entered a gathering, the atmosphere became serious. According to the memoirist, everyone acknowledged the force of his personality.

Sadruddin Mujahid believed that the sacrifices Raja Akbar made for the people's right of self-determination commanded profound respect.

He recalled a Muslim Conference annual session in Jammu attended by thousands of people.

Raja Akbar declared

“A ruler should rule in such a way that the people are happy. A ruler under whose rule the people cannot live with dignity should leave the throne. Otherwise, earthquakes will shake the halls of his power.”

For such outspoken criticism, he was sentenced to two years in prison.⁷

Defending Poor Farmers from Moneylenders

Former Azad Kashmir High Court Justice Chaudhry Niaz Ahmad recalled his time as a Sub-Judge in Mirpur.

His court frequently issued attachment warrants. Moneylenders in Mirpur obtained decrees against poor peasants and used severe methods to recover their debts. Even possessions legally exempt from attachment were sometimes seized.

According to Justice Niaz Ahmad, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan constantly searched for ways to protect poor people from these abuses.

He described Raja Akbar as so sincere in his concern for poor people that he was willing to make any sacrifice for them and was not afraid of imprisonment.

He played a prominent role in helping people resist the oppression of mahajans and moneylenders.

Raja Akbar never regarded imprisonment as a personal disaster. He did not cause inconvenience to others for his own comfort and consistently criticised the government of the day with courage.

Justice Niaz Ahmad recalled

**“On one occasion, as Sessions Judge Mirpur, I sentenced him to three years' imprisonment for the offence of spreading hatred against the government. He neither offered a defence nor appointed a lawyer. The High Court later reduced the sentence to one year.”**⁸

Ghazi Abdul Rahman on Raja Akbar

Ghazi Abdul Rahman of Khoiratta, who had converted to Islam, described Raja Muhammad Akbar as unique.

In his view, after Raja Akbar's death, the State of Jammu and Kashmir had not produced another leader quite like him in terms of fearlessness, courage, openness and dervish-like simplicity.

Raja Akbar, he said, found happiness in accepting hardship for other people while refusing to become a source of hardship or distress to anyone else.

He recalled occasions when a petitioner would stand before Raja Akbar explaining his problem and then say:

“I also have to go to Jammu, but I have no money for the journey.”

Raja Akbar would reply

“I do not have the fare either. Come on—we shall walk.” They would then walk for several days to Jammu or Srinagar so that Raja Akbar could help the person obtain redress.

Abdul Rahman's personal belief was that Raja Akbar sometimes went hungry for days without telling anyone.

In one sedition case, the government put him to work at an oil press in prison. According to Abdul Rahman, Raja Akbar accepted the hardship without complaint.

His Last Meeting with Ghazi Abdul Rahman

In 1944, on the instructions of Sher-e-Kashmir Sheikh Abdullah, Ghazi Abdul Rahman brought Raja Akbar to his home in Khoiratta for treatment.

He arranged special food suitable for a sick person.

But Raja Akbar would leave the special food untouched. When Abdul Rahman was absent, Raja Akbar would quietly take whatever stale leftover food was available in the house and eat that instead.

At night, rather than sleep in a comfortable bed, he would be found in the morning lying on a mat on the floor.

Abdul Rahman's final meeting with Raja Akbar took place while Raja Akbar was receiving treatment in Mirpur Hospital. Abdul Rahman had already been sentenced to two years' rigorous imprisonment because of the Quit Kashmir Movement and was being taken through Mirpur to Jammu Jail.

At his insistence, he was allowed to visit Raja Akbar in hospital. When Raja Akbar saw him, he wept deeply.

He said

“When my daughter—your wife—married into your family, I promised her that I would look after all of you in every possible way and would never allow you to fall into difficulty.

“But look at the will of Allah. You are going to prison for two years, while I am preparing to meet my true Creator. “What will that daughter of mine, to whom I made this promise, say? What kind of people are these who do not keep their promises?”**

Abdul Rahman was then returned to judicial custody.

The following morning, preparations were made to take him to Jammu.

After he had left Mirpur, he learned that Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan had departed from this temporary world for the eternal one.⁹

Giving Away His Coat and Shoes

Raja Akbar Khan was generous and self-sacrificing.

He could not bear to see another person suffering.

Raja Firoz Khan recalled that once, when Raja Akbar was visiting their home, his father gave him an expensive French-made warm overcoat to protect him from the cold.

Raja Akbar put it on and went into the bazaar.

There he saw a man shivering.

He immediately removed the coat and gave it to him.

When he returned, he told Firoz Khan's father

“Doctor Sahib, I met a man on the road who was shivering with cold, so I took off the coat and gave it to him.”¹⁰

Helping people without support seems to have been part of Raja Akbar's nature.

Whenever he saw somebody in need, he gave whatever he had. On one journey to Nowshera, he saw a man walking barefoot. Raja Akbar removed his own shoes and gave them to him.

He then completed the rest of the journey barefoot.

When he reached Nowshera, one of his friends bought him another pair.

A Leader Who Should Not Have Been Forgotten

Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan was a recognised leader of the Kashmir freedom movement.

His contribution was not confined to politics. He also played an important role in social welfare and public service.

Because of the length of this article, I have not been able to discuss all his political activities, his speeches at public gatherings or his cooperation with Sheikh Abdullah.

Reading the contents of his speeches leaves one astonished at the level of political thought achieved by a man with relatively little formal education.

It seems that he had dedicated his body, mind and material resources entirely to his homeland.

People such as Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan deserve a prominent place in the history of Kashmir.

Indeed, the author argues that his name should be known by every child, and that new generations should be taught about his character, his qualities and his contribution to Kashmir's struggle for freedom.

Yet it appears that the generations born after 1947 were, through a deliberate process, kept unfamiliar with figures such as him.

Dr Jameel Ahmad Mir

30 January 2024

Author's Note on Sources

I wrote this article after many days of work.

I had to locate maps of Mirpur district from before the construction of the Mangla Dam and consult many books.

I also contacted the family of Raja Khalid Khan, who had died some time earlier, and obtained information directly from them about Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan.

In particular, I had a detailed conversation with Raja Khalid Khan's cousin Raja Gulfraz, who was then living in Burgwal. He provided a considerable amount of information about Raja Akbar.

I was eleven years old before the construction of the dam in 1962, so I retained only a rather blurred picture of rural Mirpur as it had existed before the dam.

I therefore had to speak several times by telephone with one of my cousins who had lived in Barban before the dam was built and who now lives in London.

He also related several incidents concerning Raja Akbar Khan and, in particular, helped me obtain accurate information about the villages of Chamahal and Kalyal in rural Mirpur. References

Professor Abdul Wahid Qureshi, Tareekh-e-Mirpur Ka Aik Aham Daur (An Important Period in the History of Mirpur). Dr Ghulam Hussain Azhar, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan, Kutub Minar, Lahore.

Professor Abdul Wahid Qureshi, Tareekh-e-Mirpur Ka Aik Aham Daur.

Davinder Singh, “Budh Singh: Founder of Freedom Movement in J&K”, Daily Excelsior, Jammu, 17 May 2015. Professor Abdul Wahid Qureshi, Tareekh-e-Mirpur Ka Aik Aham Daur.

Dr Ghulam Hussain Azhar, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan, Kutub Minar, Lahore.

Dr Ghulam Hussain Azhar, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan, Kutub Minar, Lahore.

Professor Abdul Wahid Qureshi, Tareekh-e-Mirpur Ka Aik Aham Daur.

Dr Ghulam Hussain Azhar, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan, Kutub Minar, Lahore.

Dr Ghulam Hussain Azhar, Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan, Kutub Minar, Lahore.

This translation keeps Dr Jameel Ahmad Mir's political framing and arguments while rendering them in simpler, plainer English; statements of interpretation remain those of the author rather than additions to the original.

Yes. It can be translated. The poem is in an older, strongly regional Pahari/Punjabi register, and some expressions are idiomatic, so a completely literal translation would lose much of its political force. It is essentially a peasant protest poem attacking land-revenue officials, police, forced labour, bribery and the exploitation of the zamindar—here meaning the cultivator/peasant rather than a wealthy landlord.

A good English translation would read as follows

Open Your Eyes, O Peasant

Maulana Abdullah Siakhvi

The age of the land settlement has come,

The system that has beaten you down.

You fed them butter, eggs and milk,

And still they burdened you with revenue.

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

Whatever you had—a bed, a stool, some timber—

The patwari came and seized it.

And after making a mockery of you,

The girdawar carried off the rest.

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

Bravo, Bakhshi Kesho Das!

He has drained the blood and left no flesh.

He has spared neither straw nor grass;

He has plundered the whole world.

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

If one of your sheep should die,

You fall into the hands of the police.

Why turn carrion into a criminal case?

Take the hide—take all the meat!

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

They take you away and sit you in the police station,

And openly swallow their bribes.

Give them nothing, and they will skin you alive—

What terrible darkness has descended!

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

Your cattle lie there dying,

The animals that graze among the hills and woods.

While they merely perform their empty rituals,

You cut grass throughout the day.

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

You carry grass from house to house,

While they impose their forced demands upon you.

Refuse them, and they will skin you alive;

No one listens to your cries.

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

If necessity takes you into the town

To sell a little grass for your living,

They immediately seize you for begar,

And make you carry their heavy bedding and baggage.

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

If Ali and Umar were alive today,

Why would we have to make these pleas?

A cry would rise throughout the land,

And the whole world would thunder into action.

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

Our children are dying of hunger,

While your dogs live in comfort.

You have no fear of God at all—

Such is the rule of oppression today.

Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.

This is the condition of Mirpur:

Here bribery and oppression know no bounds.

There is nobody to ask, nobody to investigate;

Everyone here is deaf and dumb.

Listen to the deeds of these officials!

Read this Litarnama—this indictment of them—all of you.

A few important translation points

I would not translate “زمیندارا” as “landlord” here. In the social context of the poem, zamindara is addressing the ordinary agricultural landholder or cultivator who is being taxed and exploited. “O peasant” therefore communicates Siakhvi's political meaning much better to an English reader.

The refrain is particularly powerful

ن کھول اکھیں زمینداراہ

ٹیا گیا گھر سارالُتیرا

Literally it is close to

“Now open your eyes, O cultivator;

your entire household has been looted.”

For a published translation, I prefer

“Now open your eyes, O peasant!

Your whole household has been plundered.”

“Plundered” captures both the economic exploitation and the poem's accusatory political tone.

There are also several historically important administrative terms. Patwari was the village-level land/revenue official; girdawar was a supervising revenue official; and begar means compulsory unpaid labour. I would retain these terms in a scholarly edition and explain them in footnotes rather than erase the institutional world against which Siakhvi was writing.

The final expression “ یتر ناملُ ہ ” (Litarnama) is especially interesting. Littar literally means a shoe, but in popular Punjabi/Pahari speech it can carry the sense of a verbal thrashing or public humiliation. So Litarnama is deliberately mocking—something like “The Shoe-Lashing Epistle,” “A Written Thrashing,” or, more naturally in political English, “an indictment of the officials.”

What makes this poem historically valuable is that it is not simply complaining about poverty. Its repeated command—“open your eyes”—turns suffering into political consciousness. Siakhvi identifies specific mechanisms of rural power: revenue assessment, confiscation, begar, police coercion, bribery and the petty officials through whom state authority reached the peasant. In that sense, it fits remarkably well with the political world described in the biography of Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan by Dr. Ghulam Hussain Azhar and the work of Sardar Budh Singh, especially ‘Dihati Zindagi’; Rural Life.

About the Original Author

Dr Ghulam Hussain Azhar compiled this biography from speeches, letters, prison correspondence, contemporary recollections and other historical material, with the stated purpose of preserving the memory and public example of Raja Muhammad Akbar Khan for later generations.

About the English Edition

English translation and edited edition by Shams Rehman. The translation aims for clear British English while remaining close to the wording, political force and historical character of the Urdu source.